OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


CX\LI 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN 
The  First  Republican  President  of  the  United  States 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS 


OF  THE 


Twelfth 
Republican  National  Convention 


HELD  IN  THE  CITY  O? 


Philadelphia,  June  19,  20  and  21 
1900 

RESULTING  IN  THE  RENOMINATION  OP 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY,  of  Ohio,  for  President 


AND  THE  NOMINATION  OF 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-President 


Reported  by  M.  W.  BLUMENBERG,  Official  Reporter 


ERSITY 

OF 


PRESS  OP  DUNLAP  PRINTING  COMPANY 

1332-34-36  CHERRY  STREET  and    118-20-22-24-26  N.  JUNIPER  STREET 
PHILADELPHIA,  PA. 


©ffictal  proceedings* 


Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  is  hereby 
directed  to  prepare  and  publish  a  full  and  complete  report  of  the 
official  proceedings  of  this  Convention,  under  the  direction  of  the 
National  Committee,  co-operating  with  the  local  committee. 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  be  requested 
to  republish  the  official  proceedings  of  preceding  Republican 
National  Conventions  now  out  of  print,  under  the  direction  of  the 
National  Committee. 

CHARLES  W.  JOHNSON, 

SECRETARY. 


8PRECKELS 


COPYRIGHT 
I9OO 


Officers  of  the  Convention. 


CHAIRMAN  OF   THE  NATIONAL    COMMITTEE— 

HON.  M.  A.  HANNA, 

OF  OHIO. 

TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  OF   THE  CONVENTION— 

HON.  EDWARD    O.  WOLCOTT, 

OF   COLORADO. 
PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  OF   THE   CONVENTION— 

HON.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 
GENERA  L  SEC  RE  TA  R  Y— 

CHARLES  W.  JOHNSON, 

OF  MINNESOTA. 
SERGEANT- A  T-ARMS— 

GEORGE  N.  WISWELL, 

OF  WISCONSIN. 


101366 


HON.    WM.    McKINLEY,    of   Ohio 
Repwbltearv  Candidate  fotr  President  of  th«  United  Startes,  1<90O 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY 


WILLIAM  MCKINLEY,  the  unanimous  nominee  of  the  Convention,  was 
born  at  Niles,  Trumbull  County,  Ohio,  January  29,  1843,  and  has  made  that 
State  his  home  during  his  entire  life.  He  is  of  Scotch-Irish  stock,  his  great- 
great-grandfather,  James  McKinley,  having  come  from  the  north  of  Ire 
land  to  the  United  States  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  and 
settled  in  York  County,  Pennsylvania,  where,  on  May  16,  1755,  was  born  to 
him  a  son,  David  McKinley,  who  was  the  great-grandfather  of  the  present 
William  McKinley.  David  McKinley  evinced  his  loyalty  to  the  country 
by  serving  as  a  private  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  as  shown  by  the 
records  of  the  Pension  Bureau  and  War  Department.  His  son.  James 
McKinley,  was  the  father  of  William  McKinley,  ST.,  the  father  of  the  present 
President  and  nominee  of  the  Convention. 

William  McKinley,  Sr.,  the  father  of  President  McKinley,  removed  from 
Pennsylvania  to  Ohio  with  his  parents  in  childhood,  and  on  reaching  man 
hood  became  interested  in  iron  manufacturing  and  the  management  of  iron 
furnaces,  in  which  he  was  engaged  until  the  time  of  his  retirement  from  busi 
ness  in  1876.  As  a  consequence  William,  Jr.,  President,  came  to  have  a 
practical  knowledge  of  one  of  the  greatest  manufacturing  industries  of  the 
United  States  and  of  the  important  relation  which  those  industries  sustain  to 
that  greatest  of  all  industries — agriculture. 

Growing  to  manhood  in  the  country  town  of  Poland,  Ohio,  to  which  his 
father,  on  account  of  its  superior  educational  facilities,  had  removed,  William 
Jr.  familiarized  himself  with  many  of  the  details  of  the  daily  occupation  of 
those  with  whom  he  was  brought  constantly  in  contact.  With  the  method? 
of  the  country  storekeeper,  the  iron  manufacturer,  the  farmer,  the  school 
teacher,  the  postmaster,  the  book-keeper  and  the  business  man  of  the  village, 
he  was  thoroughly  familiar  and  his  progress  as  a  student  in  the  Academy 
of  Poland  was  so  rapid  that  it  enabled  him,  at  an  early  age,  to  become 
instructor  in  the  district  school,  thus  adding  to  his  funds  with  which  to 
pursue  his  studies  in  the  Academy.  Of  his  career  at  that  time  an  old 
citizen  of  Poland,  being  asked  for  reminiscences  of  Mr.  McKinley,  said: 
"He  was  always  studying,  studying,  studying  all  the  time."  Thus  he  became 
familiar  with  the  details  of  the  life  of  the  masses  of  the  people  in  whose 
welfare  and  prosperity  he  has  shown  such  a  marked  interest  during  all  of 
his  public  career. 

The  first  great  event  in  his  life,  which  has  been  characterized  by  many 
striking  incidents,  occurred  in  June,  1861.  The  War  of  the  Rebellion  had 
begun;  a  throng  of  excited  citizens  gathered  at  the  Sparrow  House,  the 

5 


6  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

hotel  of  the  village,  and  an  impassioned  speaker,  pointing  to  the  stars  and 
stripes  which  hung  on  the  wall,  said:  "Citizens  of  Poland:  Our  country's 
flag  has  been  shot  at.  It  has  been  trailed  in  the  dust  by  those  who  should 
defend  it,  dishonored  by  those  who  should  cherish  and  revere  it.  And  for 
what?  That  this  free  government  may  keep  a  race  in  the  bondage  of 
slavery.  Who  will  be  the  first  to  defend  it?"  Among  the  first  who  stepped 
to  the  front  to  offer  his  life  as  a  protest  against  this  form  of  imperialism 
was  a  boy  of  seventeen,  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  and  he  thus  became  a 
member  of  Company  "E,"  23d  Ohio,  which  a  few  days  later  marched  forth 
from  the  village  of  Poland,  thence  to  Camp  Chase,  and  thence  to  the  war. 
Upon  the  rolls  of  this  regiment  were  such  names  as  W.  S.  Rosecrans, 
Stanley  Matthews,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  and  many  who  subsequently  at 
tained  national  reputation;  it  participated  in  many  battles — Carnifex  Ferry, 
Clark's  Hollow,  Princeton,  W.  Va. ;  South  Mountain,  Md. ;  Antietam, 
Buffington's  Island,  Ohio,  in  Morgan's  raid;  Cloyd's  Mountain,  Va. ;  New 
River  Bridge,  Va. ;  Buffalo  Gap,  W.  Va.;  Lexington,  W.  Va.;  Buchanan, 
W.  Va.;  Otter  Creek,  Va.;  Buford's  Gap,  Va.;  Winchester,  Va.;  Berryville, 
Va.;  Opequan,  Va.;  Fisher's  Hill,  Va.,  and  Cedar  Creek,  Va. 

William  McKinley,  Jr.,  although  enlisting  as  a  private  had,  in  less  than 
one  year,  been  promoted  to  Commissary  Sergeant,  and  in  the  subsequent 
years  to  Second  Lieutenant,  First  Lieutenant,  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant 
General,  and  finally  brevetted  Major — his  service  continuing  from  June  n, 
1861,  to  July  26,  1865.  As  Commissary  Sergeant  at  Antietam  he  performed  a 
feat,  probably  never  before  undertaken,  of  supplying  the  men  of  his  regiment 
with  hot  coffee  and  meats  during  an  active  engagement,  risking  his  life  in  so 
doing,  but  coming  out  unscathed  and  receiving,  as  a  result,  a  promotion  to 
the  position  of  Second  Lieutenant. 

At  Kernstown  he  again  distinguished  himself  by  carrying  a  message  from 
General  Hayes  to  a  regiment  posted  at  a  distance,  galloping  for  a  long  dis 
tance  obliquely  toward  tho  advancing  enemy  in  a  direct  line  of  their 
fire,  but  again  escaping  almost  as  by  miracle,  and  in  numbers  of  other  en 
gagements  he  showed  bravery  and  won  popularity  with  all  classes  of  men 
with  whom  he  was  associated. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  he  returned  to  Ohio  and  decided  to  take  up  the 
study  of  law,  and  in  preparing  himself  for  this  life  work  took  a  course  in 
the  Albany,  New  York,  law  school  and  was,  in  1867,  admitted  to  the  bar 
at  Canton,  Ohio,  which  place  he  had  selected  as  his  future  home  and  which 
has  been  his  home  since  that  date.  In  1871  he  married  Miss  Ida  Saxton, 
daughter  of  James  A.  Saxton,  a  prominent  citizen  of  Canton.  Major 
McKinley  had  been  less  than  three  years  in  Canton  when  his  ability 
as  a  lawyer  led  to  his  nomination  and  election  as  District  Attorney  of  Stark 
County.  In  1876  he  announced  himself 'as  a  candidate  for  Congress,  carry 
ing  every  township  in  his  county  but  one,  and  was  nominated  on  the  first 
ballot  and  elected. 

During  fourteen  years  after  this  event  he  represented  in  Congress  the 
District  of  which  Stark  County  was  a  part,  despite  several  efforts  to  so 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  7 

change  the  lines  of  his  district  as  to  elect  a  democrat,  and  might  have  still 
continued  to  do  so  but  for  the  fact  that  the  democracy  which  controlled 
the  Legislature  of  Ohio  in  1890  deliberately  "gerrymandered"  the  district 
to  such  an  extent  as  absolutely  to  assure  his  defeat,  although  he  made  a 
gallant  fight  against  overwhelming  odds.  The  result  of  this  defeat  through 
these  questionable  methods,  after  a  long  and  faithful  career  in  Congress 
in  which  he  had  made  a  brilliant  record  as  an  advocate  of  "Protection" 
and  had  become  a  leader  of  his  party  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  was 
his  nomination  for  Governor  of  Ohio,  to  which  position  he  was  twice 
elected,  and  before  he  had  finished  his  services  as  Governor  he  became  a 
marked  figure  as  a  prospective  candidate  of  the  party  for  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  McKinley  entered  upon  Congressional  life  contemporaneously  with 
the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Hayes  as  President,  and  he  soon  demonstrated  his 
ability  as  a  working  member.  He  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  doctrine 
of  a  protective  tariff,  and  a  disciple  of  Hamilton  and  Clay.  In  1888  at  the 
Republican  National  Convention  he  had  the  opportunity  of  declaring  his 
faith  boldly  as  the  author  of  the  platform  of  that  year.  Harrison  and  a 
Republican  Congress  were  triumphantly  elected,  and  then  followed  the 
legislation  known  as  the  McKinley  bill,  prepared  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  of  which  he  was  Chairman.  In  1891  McKinley  was  unani 
mously  nominated  by  the  Republicans  for  Governor  of  Ohio.  He  was 
elected  over  James  E.  Campbell  by  a  plurality  of  21,511  votes.  In  1893  he 
was  re-elected,  defeating  L.  T.  Neal  by  a  plurality  of  80,995  votes. 

In  his  first  campaign  for  the  Governorship,  McKinley  spoke  in  eighty- 
four  of  the  eighty-eight  counties  of  the  State,  and  in  1894  he  made  speeches 
throughout  the  country,  stretching  from  Pennsylvania  to  Kansas  and  from 
Minnesota  to  Louisiana.  It  was  an  unparalleled  campaign,  like  the  famous 
days  when  Lincoln  and  Douglas  were  on  the  stump.  His  administrations 
as  Governor  were  successful,  and  peculiarly  so  in  the  matter  of  adjusting 
labor  difficulties  that  threatened  serious  strikes,  which  he  prevented. 

Twice  he  declined  absolutely  to  permit  a  national  convention  to  consider 
his  name  for  the  Presidency.  In  1888  the  Ohio  delegation  had  been  in 
structed  to  support  Sherman  in  the  Republican  National  Convention  and 
did  so.  Ballot  after  ballot  had  been  taken  and  no  candidate  had  been  able 
to  secure  a  majority,  and  the  cheers  which  marked  Mr.  McKinley's  entrance 
to  the  hall  at  each  session  showed  his  popularity  with  the  members  of  the 
convention.  On  the  sixth  ballot  a  delegate  voted  for  William  McKinley 
and  was  greeted  by  cheers  again  and  again;  the  next  State  called  cast 
seventeen  votes  for  McKinley  and  again  cheers  broke  forth,  indicating  that 
a  drift  was  setting  strongly  towards  him.  Instantly  Major  McKinley  who, 
as  Chairman  of  the  Ohio  delegation  occupied  a  place  upon  the  floor  of  the 
convention,  leaping  upon  a  chair,  interrupted  the  roll  call  with  the  following 
words : 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 

"I  am  here  as  one  of  the  chosen  representatives  of  my  State.  I  am  here  by 
resolution  of  the  Republican  State  Convention,  commanding  me  to  cast  my 


g  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

vote  for  John  Sherman  for  President,  and  to  use  every  worthy  endeavor  to 
secure  his  nomination.  I  accepted  the  trust,  because  my  heart  and  judgment 
were  in  accord  with  the  letter  and  spirit  and  purpose  of  that  resolution.  It 
has  pleased  certain  delegates  to  cast  their  votes  for  me  for  President.  I  am 
not  insensible  to  the  honor  they  would  do  me,  but  in  the  presence  of  the 
duty  resting  upon  me,  I  can  not  remain  silent  with  honor.  I  can  not  consist 
ently  with  the  wish  of  the  State  whose  credentials  I  bear,  and  which  has 
trusted  me;  I  can  not  consistently  with  my  own  views  of  personal  integrity, 
consent,  or  seem  to  consent,  to  permit  my  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate 
before  this  convention.  I  would  not  respect  myself  if  I  could  find  it  in  my 
heart  to  do  or  permit  to  be  done  that  which  could  even  be  ground  for  any 
one  to  suspect  that  I  wavered  in  my  loyalty  to  Ohio,  or  my  devotion  to 
the  chief  of  her  choice  and  the  chief  of  mine.  I  do  not  request — I  demand 
that  no  delegate  who  would  not  cast  reflection  upon  me  shall  cast  a  ballot 
for  me." 

The  tide  was  turned  and  on  the  seventh  ballot  Benjamin  Harrison  was 
nominated. 

Another  incident  on  the  same  occasion,  of  which  the  public  knows  less, 
showed  with  equal  clearness  his  firmness  of  purpose  to  prevent  the  nomina 
tion  of  himself  on  that  occasion.  Judge  Little,  of  Ohio,  in  a  statement 
written  in  1895,  recounted  the  incident  of  a  visit  by  Major  McKinley  and 
himself  to  the  headquarters  of  the  New  Jersey  delegation  at  midnight  before 
the  closing  day  of  the  convention.  Major  McKinley  had  heard  that  the 
New  Jersey  delegation  proposed  voting  for  him  on  the  following  day  and, 
on  questioning  the  Chairman,  received  from  him  the  reply  that  "it  is  a 
matter  of  our  own  concern;  we  shall  act  upon  our  own  responsibility,  being 
accountable  only  to  the  Republicans  of  New  Jersey  for  what  we  do."  To 
this  Major  McKinley  replied  that  he  could  not  permit  this  in  view  of  his 
duty  to  Senator  Sherman,  adding — "Rather  than  that  I  would  suffer  the  loss 
of  that  good  right  arm!  Yes,  I  would  suffer  death!  To  accept  a  nomination, 
if  one  were  possible,  under  these  circumstances,  would  inevitably  lead  to  my 
defeat,  AND  IT  OUGHT  TO  LEAD  TO  MY  DEFEAT!  The  last  clause 
was  uttered  slowly  and  with  great  emphasis.  There  was  a  silence  of  several 
moments,  which  was  broken  by  the  Chairman  of  the  New  Jersey  delegation, 
who  said,  "Well,  Major,  if  that  is  the  way  you  view  it,  of  course  we  will  not 
vote  for  you." 

In  1892  he  again  favored  the  nomination  of  Harrison,  and  although  acting 
as  chairman  of  the  Convention,  protested  against  an  attempt  to  cast  the  vote 
of  Ohio  solidly  for  himself,  urging  that,  as  a  member  of  the  Ohio  delegation, 
he  had  a  right  to  demand  a  poll  of  the  State  vote  and  did  so  demand,  the 
result  of  the  poll  being  that  the  vote  of  his  alternate  was  cast  for  Benjamin 
Harrison,  while  all  the  other  members  of  the  delegation  voted  for  him.  On 
that  ballot  Harrison  was  nominated,  but  182  votes  were  cast  for  William 
McKinley. 

It  was  not  until  1896  that  he  permitted  his  friends  to  announce  him  for 
the  candidacy  and  present  his  name  to  a  national  convention,  and  long  befoi'e 
the  convention  of  that  year  met,  it  became  apparent  that  he  would  be  its 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  9 

nominee,  while  in  the  year  1900  no  other  name  was  suggested  for  the 
nomination. 

In  the  Convention  of  1896,  at  St.  Louis,  McKinley  was  nominated  for  the 
Presidency  on  the  first  ballot,  receiving  66iV2  votes  to  84V2  for  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  of  Maine;  61%  for  M.  S.  Quay,  of  Pennsylvania;  58  for  Levi  P. 
Morton,  of  New  York,  and  3SV2  for  W.  B.  Allison,  of  Iowa.  Early  in  the 
campaign  the  Republicans  attempted  to  wage  the  contest  on  the  tariff 
issue,  realizing  that  upon  this  the  party  was  invincible.  The  Democrats 
and  Republican  Silverites,  however,  insisted  upon  the  currency  question  as 
the  principal  issue,  and  in  this  they  had  their  way.  The  result  was  a  sweep 
ing  victory  for  the  Republicans. 

During  the  campaign  of  1896,  McKinley  was  in  line  with  his  party  on  the 
currency  question,  and  as  the  result  of  the  contest,  he  was  elected,  securing 
271  electoral  votes  to  176  for  Bryan.  McKinley's  popular  vote  was  7,107,304, 
while  Bryan  polled  6,292,423  on  the  Democratic  ticket  and  240.657  on  the 
Populist  ticket. 

President  McKinky's  Administration  has  been  an  eventful  one,  marked 
chiefly  by  the  war  with  Spain  for  the  liberation  of  Cuba,  which  resulted  in 
the  loss  to  the  mother  country  of  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines  and 
Guam.  Later  the  extraordinary  events  occurring  in  China,  have  compelled 
the  administration  to  take  prompt  steps  to  rescue  the  ministers  and  to 
restore  order,  and  this  chapter  of  our  diplomacy  and  military  celerity  has 
been  greatly  helpful  to  other  civilized  nations  and  to  the  world.  Other 
features  of  McKinley's  Administration  have  been  the  enactment  of  the 
Dingley  protective  tariff  and  the  measure  for  the  establishment  of  the  gold 
standard. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  the  nominee  for  Vice-President,  is  of  Dutch  and 
Scotch-Irish  ancestry,  and  among  them  were  many  notable  men.  He  him 
self  is  the  thirty-fourth  Governor  of  New  York  State.  Klass  Martenson 
Roosevelt,  one  of  his  ancestors,  came  to  America  from  Holland  in  1649. 
His  son,  Nicholas,  was  an  Alderman  of  the  Leislerian  party,  and,  although 
a  burgher  of  the  "major  right,"  he  espoused  the  popular  side  in  the  con 
test  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country.  James  I.  Roosevelt,  another 
ancestor,  was  a  captain  in  the  New  York  State  Troop  during  the  Revolu 
tion.  His  father,  Theodore,  married  Martha,  daughter  of  James  and  Martha 
Oswald  Bulloch,  of  Roswell,  Ga.,  both  of  whom  were  descendants  from 
Revolutionary  stock  of  prominence. 

Thus  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  party  for  Vice-President  comes  from 
a  stock  that  has  been  noted  for  generations  for  the  instincts  of  freedom, 
the  traditions  of  patriotism  and  uprightness  of  conduct.  He  was  born  in 
New  York  city,  October  27,  1858.  He  was  primarily  educated  at  home 
under  private  teachers,  and  then  entered  Harvard.  He  was  one  of  the 
editors  of  the  undergraduate  journal,  The  Advocate,  and  was  prominent 
in  athletics. 

After  graduation,  in  1880,  he  spent  a  year  in  travel  and  study,  and  has 
since  been  a  persistent  student  even  under  the  pressure  of  official  life,  and 
at  intervals  an  ardent  traveler  in  both  Europe  and  America.  For  many  years 
he  has  been  deeply  interested  in  the  purification  of  political  and  official  life 
and  the  application  of  civil  service  rules  to  executive  administration. 

As  an  intimate  associate  and  friend  of  George  William  Curtis,  his  schol 
astic  and  oratorical  abilities  brought  him  to  the  front  as  a  prominent  cham 
pion  of  civil  service  principles.  He  served  as  Assemblyman  in  the  New 
York  Legislature  during  the  years  1882-83  and  '84.  Mr.  Roosevelt  intro 
duced  the  first  civil  service  bill  in  the  Legislature,  and  it  was  passed  in 
1883,  almost  simultaneously  with  the  passage  of  a  similar  measure  in  the 
National  Congress  at  Washington.  He  was  Chairman  of  the  New  York 
delegation  to  the  National  Republican  Convention  in  1884. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  was  nominated  as  the  independent  candidate  for  Mayor  of 
New  York  city  in  1886,  and,  although  endorsed  by  the  Republican  party, 
was  defeated  at  the  election.  In  May,  1889,  President  Harrison  appointed 
him  Civil  Service  Commissioner,  and  he  served  as  President  of  the  Board 
until  May,  1895.  During  his  incumbency  he  was  untiring  in  his  endeavors 
to  apply  the  civil  service  principles  of  merit  and  capacity  to  all  executive 
departments,  with  the  aggregate  result  that  instead  of  14,000  employes,  as 

10 


HON.    THEODORE    ROOSEVELT,    of   New    York 
Republican  Candidate  for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  1900 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  *    11 

when  he  began,  40,000  filled  their  positions  under  its  rules,  largely  through 
the  permissive  clause  of  the  Civil  Service  act.  This  position  of  Mr.  Roose 
velt  as  President  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  made  his  name  familiar 
in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  his  reputation  for  rigid  honesty  of  purpose 
and  fearlessness  of  character  was  firmly  established. 

Legislative  investigation  having  disclosed  the  conditions  which  existed 
throughout  the  New  York  city  police,  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  naturally  looked 
upon  as  the  man  who  could  thoroughly  purge  the  city  and  restore  the 
morale  of  the  service.  The  appointment  of  Police  Commissioner  was, 
therefore,  offered  him  in  May,  1895,  and  he  promptly  resigned  his  position 
as  Civil  Service  Commissioner  to  accept  this  post.  He  immediately  began 
the  reorganization  of  the  police  system  with  characteristic  vigor.  The 
prominent  features  of  his  administration  were  impartial  enforcement  of  the 
laws  and  ordinances,  and  insistence  on  rigid  honesty  and  fearlessness  in  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  police,  and  a  rigorous  application  of  civil 
service  principles  in  appointments  to  and  promotions  on  the  force. 

Such  drastic  changes  from  the  previous  practice  in  the  department  raised 
violent  opposition  among  many  people,  which  only  served  to  incline  Roose 
velt's  purpose  more  strongly  towards  the  enforcement  of  the  law.  Hereto 
fore  it  had  been  considered  that  an  effectual  and  impartial  enforcement  of 
the  excise  law  was  a  moral  and  a  physical  impossibility.  In  a  short  time 
he  proved  the  contrary. 

Shortly  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish-American  War  Roosevelt  was 
tendered  the  office  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  by  President  McKin- 
ley.  He  accepted  promptly,  and  entered  on  his  new  duties  with  his  usual 
energy  and  enthusiasm.  He  worked  night  and  day,  and  to  him  as  much  as 
to  any  other  man,  probably,  was  due  the  splendid  condition  of  the  United 
States  navy  when  the  war  with  Spain  began. 

He  had  only  been  in  office  a  short  time  when  he  asked  for  an  appro 
priation  of  $800,000  for  "practical  target"  shooting  in  the  navy,  and  a  few 
months  later  requested  another  appropriation  of  $500,000  for  the  same  pur 
pose.  This  was  considered  extravagant,  and  he  was  asked  what  became  of 
the  ammunition  which  was  purchased  with  the  $800,000.  He  coolly  replied 
that  it  was  all  shot  away,  and  he  thought  it  might  be  that  he  would  do  the 
same  with  that  bought  with  the  $500,000  if  it  were  given  him.  The  amount 
was  appropriated,  and  the  subsequent  results  at  Manila  and  Santiago  justi 
fied  Roosevelt's  action,  and  completely  silenced  the  talk  of  extravagance. 

When  the  war  with  Spain  broke  out,  in  1898,  Roosevelt  resigned  his 
position  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  enter  the  army.  He  began 
the  formation  of  a  volunteer  cavalry  regiment.  The  recruits  for  this  were 
chiefly  Western  cowboys  and  hunters,  chosen  for  their  courage  and  en 
durance,  and  were  called  the  Rough  Riders.  But  they  were  also  joined  by 
men  from  every  part  of  the  country,  who  represented  many  nationalities 
and  every  social  grade.  He  was  moved  to  organize  this  particular  form  of 
regiment  from  the  fact  that  years  before  while  in  the  West  on  his  hunting 
expeditions  he  formed  the  acquaintance  of  these  brave  western  men,  to 


12  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

whom  he  became  speedily  endeared  on  account  of  his  devotion  to  sport, 
his  skill  with  the  rifle,  his  fine  horsemanship  and  his  thoroughly  democratic 
manners. 

He  had  been  a  member  of  the  Eighth  Regiment,  New  York  National 
Guards,  from  1884  until  1888,  and  for  a  time  had  served  as  Captain,  thus 
gaining  experience  in  military  matters.  The  Rough  Riders  was  commanded 
by  Colonel  Leonard  Wood,  of  the  regular  army,  and  a  close  personal  friend 
of  Roosevelt.  The  latter  was  made  Lieutenant  Colonel,  and,  on  June  15, 
1898,  a  part  of  the  troops  embarked  from  Tampa  with  the  advance  guard 
of  Shafter's  invading  army. 

The  Rough  Riders  took  part  in  all  the  engagements  preceding  the  fall 
of  Santiago,  and,  at  the  battle  of  San  Juan,  on  July  I,  Colonel  Roosevelt 
distinguished  himself  by  leading  the  desperate  charge  of  the  Ninth  Regi 
ment  and  the  Rough  Riders  up  San  Juan  Hill.  Known  before  for  his 
energy,  sterling  honesty  and  capability,  and  deeply  respected  therefor,  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel  Roosevelt,  by  this  magnificent  charge  against  the  Spanish 
forces,  became  one  of  the  idolized  heroes  of  the  country.  This  was  strength 
ened  by  his  subsequent  acts  in  Cuba.  Every  hardship  experienced  by  the 
privates  was  shared  by  him.  At  the  close  of  the  Spanish  war,  Roosevelt 
was  commissioned  Colonel  on  July  II. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  was  nominated  as  Governor  of  New  York  State  on 
September  27,  1898.  His  Democratic  opponent  was  Judge  Augustus  Van 
Wyck.  Colonel  Roosevelt  entered  into  the  campaign  with  characteristic 
enthusiasm,  and  visited  nearly  every  part  of  the  State.  He  drew  to  his 
support  the  majority  of  the  Independent  Republicans  and  many  of  the 
Democrats,  and  carried  New  York  State  by  a  plurality  of  18,079.  He 
brought  to  the  new  position  the  same  force  and  personality  that  he  had 
displayed  in  everything  he  had  previously  undertaken.  He  consulted  all 
factions  and  followed  what  seemed  to  him  to  be  the  best  course  for  the 
State.  He  maintained  his  reputation  for  independence,  yet  held  the  respect 
of  the  party  managers. 

Governor  Roosevelt  might  have  readily  lapsed  into  habits  of  indolence, 
but,  coming  of  a  race  whose  mental  and  physical  endurance  is  seemingly  inex 
haustible,  he  is  incessantly  industrious.  He  owns  a  ranch  on  the  Little  Mis 
souri  river,  in  North  Dakota,  and  has  a  personal  acquaintance  with  life  on 
the  plains  and  in  the  wilderness.  As  a  daring  hunter  of  big  game  he  is  a 
conspicuous  figure  among  American  sportsmen,  and  the  trophies  of  the 
chase  that  adorn  his  home  at  Sagamore  Hill,  near  Oyster  Bay,  L.  I.,  testify 
to  the  skill  with  which  he  handles  a  rifle.  He  organized  the  Boone  and 
Crocket  Club,  and  for  a  long  time  was  its  President. 

He  has  described  his  various  experiences  most  entertainingly  in  "Hunting 
Trips  of  a  Ranchman,"  "The  Wilderness  Hunter"  and  "Ranch  Life  and 
the  Hunting  Trail."  His  first  work  was  published  a  year  after  he  left 
college,  and  was  entitled  "The  Naval  War  of  1812."  As  a  biographer  he 
has  been  highly  praised  for  his  "Life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton"  and  "Life  of 
Gouverneur  Morris"  in  the  American  Statesman  Series.  He  has  also  pub- 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  13 

lished  a  "History  of  the  City  of  New  York,"  "Essays  on  Practical  Politics," 
"American  Political  Ideals,"  and  has  collaborated  with  Captain  Mahan  in 
writing  the  "Imperial  History  of  the  British  Navy."  He  is  also  joint  author 
with  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  of  "Hero  Tales  from  American  History." 

Governor  Roosevelt  is  also  known  as  a  successful  and  a  captivating  lec 
turer.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Reformed  (Dutch)  Church,  with  which  his 
family  has  been  connected  for  generations.  He  holds  membership  in  many 
clubs,  both  social  and  political.  He  is  a  trustee  of  the  American  Museum 
of  Natural  History  in  New  York  and  is  a  member  of  the  State  Charities  Aid 
Association.  Columbia  University  awarded  him  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  in 

1899- 

He  was  married  when  a  very  young  man  to  Alice  Lee,  of  Boston,  who 
died  two  years  later,  leaving  a  daughter.  He  was  married  again  in  1886  to 
Edith  Kermit  Carow,  of  New  York.  They  have  six  children,  four  of  whom 
are  sons. 


IRepublican  national  Committee  for  1900 


State  Member  Post-Office 

Alabama J.  W.  DIMMICK Montgomery. 

Arkansas POWELL  CLAYTON Eureka  Springs. 

California W.  C.  VAN  FLEET San  Francisco. 

Colorado E.  O.  WOLCOTT Denver. 

Connecticut CHARLES  F.  BROOKER Ansonia. 

Delaware JOHN  EDWARD  ADDICKS Wilmington. 

Florida JOHN  G.  LONG St.  Augustine. 

Georgia JUDSON  W.  LYONS Augusta. 

Idaho GEORGE  L.  SHOUP Boise  City. 

Illinois GRAEME  STEWART Chicago. 

Indiana HARRY  C.  NEW Indianapolis. 

Iowa ERNEST  E.  HART Council  Bluffs. 

Kansas. ^.x_^rT*rt7rnrnv..^.<^D AVID  W.  MULVANE Topeka. 

Kentucky JOHN  W.  YERKES Danville. 

Louisiana A.  T.  WIMBERLY New  Orleans. 

Maine JOSEPH  H.  MANLEY Augusta. 

Maryland Louis  E.  McCOMAS Hagerstown. 

Massachusetts GEO  V.  L.  MEYER ...Boston. 

Michigan WILLIAM  H.  ELLIOTT Detroit. 

Minnesota THOMAS  H.  SHEVLIN Minneapolis. 

Mississippi H.  C.  TURLEY Natchez. 

Missouri RICHARD  C.  KERENS St.  Louis. 

Montana WILLIAM  H.  DE  WITT Butte. 

Nebraska R.  B.  SCHNEIDER Fremont. 

Nevada PATRICK  L.  FLANNAGAN Reno. 

New  Hampshire-r^wTTTTrrrvw. CHARLES  T.  MKANS Manchester. 

New  Jersey FRANKLIN  MURPHY Newark. 

New  York FREDERICK  S.  GIBBS New  York. 

North  Carolina JAMES  E.  BOYD Greenboro. 

North  Dakota ALEXANDER  MCKENZIE Bismarck. 

Ohio GEORGE  B.  Cox Cincinnati. 

Oregon GEORGE  A.  STEEL Portland. 

Pennsylvania M.  STANLEY  QUAY Beaver. 

Rhode  Island CHARLES  R.  BRAYTON Providence. 

South  Carolina E.  A.  WEBSTER Orangeburg. 

South  Dakota J.  M.  GREEN Chamberlain. 

Tennessee WALTER  P.  BROWNLOW Jonesboro. 

Texas R.  B.  HAWLEY Galveston. 

Utah O.  J.  SALISBURY Salt  Lake  City. 

Vermont JAMES  W.  BROCK Montpelier. 

Virginia GEORGE  E.  BOWDEN Norfolk. 

Washington GEORGE  H.  BAKER Goldendale. 

West  Virginia N.  B.  SCOTT Wheeling. 

Wisconsin HENRY  C.  PAYNE Milwaukee. 

Wyoming WILLIS  D.  VANDEVANTER Cheyenne. 

^Territories,  ^District  of  Columbia  artD  tmwaii 

Alaska JOHN  G.  HEID Juneau. 

Arizona W.  M.  GRIFFITH Florence. 

New  Mexico SOLOMON  LUNA- Los  Lunas. 

Oklahoma WILLIAM  GRIMES Kingfisher. 

Indian  Territory WILLIAM  M.  MILLETTE Vinita. 

District  of  Columbia MYRON  M.  PARKER Washington. 

Hawaii HAROLD  M.  SEWALL....  ....Honolulu. 


HON.    M.    A.    HANNA,  of  Ohio, 
Chairman  Republican  National  Committee,  1900 


((  UNIVERSITY 

OF  K     . 


CAMPAIGN  OF  J900 
ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


INEVV  YORK  HEADQUARTERS 
No.  i  Madison  Avenue 

M.  A.  HANNA,  of  Ohio,  Chairman. 

JOSEPH  H.  MANLEY,  of  Maine. 

N.  B.  SCOTT,  of  West  Virginia. 

FRED.  S.  GIBBS,  of  New  York. 

FRANKLIN  MURPHY,  of  New  Jersey. 

CORNELIUS  N.  BLISS,  of  New  York',  Treasurer 


CHICAGO   HEADQUARTERS 
233  Michigan  Avenue 

M.  A.  HANNA,  of  Ohio.  Chairman. 

KENRY  C.  PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin,  Vice  Chairman. 

PERRY  S.  HEATH,  of  Indiana,  Secretarv. 

VOLNEY  W.  FOSTER,  Illinois,  Asst.    Treasurer. 

EDWIN  F.  BROWN,  Illinois,  Sub   Treasurer. 

RICHARD  C.  KERENS,  Missouri. 

GRAEME  STEWART,  Illinois. 

HARRY  S.  NEW,  Indiana. 

GEORGE  N.  WISWELL,  Wisconsin,  Serjeant-at-arms. 


ADVISORY  COMMITTEE. 


HON.  THOMAS  C.  PLATT New  York,  New  York 

HON.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW New  York,  New  York 

HON.  WILLIAM  L.  STRONG New  York,  New  York 

SAMUEL   T.  WAINWRIGHT Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania 

W   W    GIBES Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania 

COL.  MYRON   T.  RERRICK Cleveland,  Ohio 

BISHOP  B    W.  ARNETT Wilberforce,  Ohio 

ALEXANDER  REVELL Chicago,  Illinois 

F    O    LOWDEN Chicago,  Illinois 

S.  B   RAYMOND Chicago,  Illinois 

JOHN  DUPEE Chicago,  Illinois 

CYRUS  FIELD   ADAMS Chicago,  Illinois 

EDWARD  ROSEWATER „ Omaha,  Nebraska 

HON.  GEO.  L.  V.  MYKR Boston,  Massachusetts 

HON.  W.  B.  PLUNKETT Boston,  Massachusetts 

CHARLES  F.  BROOKER Ansonia,  Connecticut 

HON.  NELSON  W.   ALDRICH Rhode  Island 

THOMAS  LOWRY Minneapolis,  Minnesota 

M.  D.  GROVER St.  Paul,  Minnesota 

H.  H.   HANNA Indianapolis,  Indiana 

HON.  TAS.  A.   GARY Baltimore,  Maryland 

DR.  ERNEST  LYON Baltimore.  Maryland 

IRVING  M.  SCOTT San  Francisco,  California 

WM.  BARBOUR * New  Jersey 

HON.  JOHN  KEAN New  Jersey 

W.  B.  CLARK St.  Louis,  Missouri 

E.  O.  STANNARD St.  Louis.  Missouri 

W.  L   STRATTON Denver,  Colorado 

HON.JOHN  L.  WILSON Tacoma,  Washington 

CHARLES  F.  PFISTER Milwaukee,  Wisconsin 

WILLIAM  LIVINGSTON Detroit,  Michigan 

JUSTICE  C.  STERNS Detroit,  Michigan 

D.  W7.  MULVANE Topeka,  Kansas 

E.  E.  HART Council  Bluffs,  Iowa 

NOTE.     The  above  Committee  is  auxiliary  to  the  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 


OFFICERS  AND  MEMBERS 

OF  THE 

Republican  Congressional  Committee,  1900 

OFFICERS 

Chairman,  HON.  JOSEPH   W.  BABCOCK,  Wisconsin. 
Vice-Chairman,  HON.  JAMES  S.  SHERMAN,  New  York. 
Secretary,  HON.  JESSE  OVERSTREET,  Indiana. 
Treasurer,  MR.  WM.  B.  THOMPSON,  Washington,  D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE 

Rep.  JOHN  A.  T.  HULL,  of  Iowa. 
Rep.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON,  of  Illinois. 
Rep.  DAVID  H.  MERCER,  of  Nebraska. 
Sen.  REDFIELD  PROCTOR,  of  Vermont. 
Sen.  J.  H.  GALLINGER,  of  New  Hampshire. 
Sen.  G.  W.  MCBRIDE,  of  Oregon. 
Rep.  H.  C.  LOUDENSLAGER,  of  New  Jersey. 
Rep.  C.  A.  RUSSELL,  of  Connecticut. 
Rep.  W.  C.  LOVERING,  of  Massachusetts. 


MEMBERS 

STATF  NAME  POST-OFFICE 

ADDRESS 

Alabama W.  F.  ALDRICH Aldrich 

California VICTOR  H.  METCALF ; Oakland 

Connecticut CHARLES  A.  RUSSELL Killingly 

Delaware JOHN  H.  HOFFECKER Smyrna 

Idaho GE  ORGE  L.  SHOUP Salmon  City 

Illinois JOSEPH  G.  CANNON Danville 

Indiana JESSE  OVERSTREET Indianapolis 

Iowa  JOHN  A.  T.  HULL Des  Moines 

Kansas W.  A.  CALDERHEAD.  ...•••• Marysville 

Kentucky SAMUEL  J.  PUGH Canceburg 

Maine CHARLES  A.  BOUTELLE Bangor 

Maryland SYDNEY  E.  MUDD La  Platte 

Massachusetts WILLIAM  C.  LOVERING Taunton 

Michigan   JOHN  B.  CORLISS Detroit 

Minnesota FRANK  M.  EDDY Glenwood 

Missouri CHARLES  E.  PEARCE St.  Louis 

Montana THOMAS  H.  CARTER Helena 

Nebraska DAVID  H.  MERCER Omaha 

New  Hampshire JACOB  H.  GALLINGER Concord 

New  Jersey HARRY  C.  LOUDENSLAGER Paulsboro 

New  York JAMES  S.  SHERMAN Utica 

North  Carolina ROMULUS  Z.  LINNEY Taylorsville 

North  Dakota B.  F.  SPALDING ...Fargo 

Ohio HENRY  C.  VANVOORHIS Zanesville 

Oregon GEORGE  W.  McBRIDE St.  Helens 

Pennsylvania WILLIAM  CONNELL Scranton 

Rhode  Island MELVILLE  BULL Middletown 

South  Dakota ROBERT  J.  GAMBLE Yankton 

Tennessee HENRY  R.  GIBSON Knoxville 

Texas R.  B.  H AWLEY Galveston 

Vermont REDFIELD  PROCTOR Proctor 

Virginia R.  A.  WISE Williamsburg 

Washington WESLEY  L.  JONES N.  Yakima 

West  Virginia BLACKBURN  B.  DOVEXER Wheeling 

Wisconsin JOSEPH  W.-BABCOCK Necedah 

Wyoming FRANK  W.  MONDELL Newcastle 

TERRITORIES 

Oklahoma DENNIS  T.  FLYNN....  Guthrie 

New  Mexico PEDRO  PEREA Bernalillo 


CHAIRMEN  REPUBLICAN  STATE  CENTRAL 
COMMITTEES. 

STATES  CHAIRMEN  POST  OFFICE 

Alabama  ...........  WM.  VAUGHAN  ..............  Birmingham 

Arkansas  ...........  H.  L.  REMMEL  ...............  Little  Rock 

California  .........  GEO.  STONE  ..................  Room  184,  Palace  Hotel,  San  Francisco 

Colorado  ...........  A.  B.  SEAMAN  .................  Denver 

Connecticut  .......  O.  R.  FYLER  ....................  Torrington 

Delaware  ...........  J.  FRANK  ALEE  ..............  Dover 

Florida  ..............  HENRY  S.  CHUBB  ...........  Gainesville 

Georgia.  ..........  W.  H.JOHNSON  .............  Atlanta 

Idaho  .................  FRANK  A.  FENN  ............  Boise 

Illinois  ...............  F.  H.  ROVVE  ....................  G.  N.  Hotel,  Chicago 

Indiana  ..............  CHAS.  S.  HERNLEY  ......  Indianapolis 

Iowa  ..................  H.  O.  WEAVER  ...............  Room  313,  Equitable  Bldg.,  Des  Moines 

Kansas  ...............  MORTON  ALBAUGH  .....  Topeka 

Kentucky  ...........  LESLIE  COMBS  ..............  Louisville 

Louisiana  .........  F.  B.  WILLIAMS  .............  New  Orleans 

Maine  ...............  J.  H.  MANLEY  ..............  Augusta 

Maryland  ..........  P.  L.  GOLDSBOROUGH..5  N.  Calvert  Street,  Baltimore 

Massachusetts  ...A.  H.  GOETTING  ............  164  Washington  Street,  Boston 

Michigan  ............  GERRIT  J.  DIEKEMA  .....  Detroit 

Minnesota  .....    •  TAMS  RAN          Endicott  Buildin^'  St'  Paul 


Mississippi  .........  E.  W.  COLLINS  ...............  Jackson 

Missouri...,  .........  THOS.  J.  AKINS  ..............  Lindell  Hotel,  St.  Louis 

Montana  ...........  JOS.  P.  WOOLMAN  .........  Helena 

Nebraska  ..........  H.  O.  LINDSAY  ...............  Omaha 

Nevada  .............  R.  K.  COLCORD  ..............  Carson  City 

New  HampshireJACOB  H.  GALLINGER..Concord 

New  Jersey  ........  FRANKLIN  T.  MURPHY  143  Chestnut  Street,  Newark 

New   York  .........  BENJ.  B.  ODELL,  JR  ........  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  New  York  City 

North   Carolina..A.  E.  HOLTON  ................  Winston 

North   Dakota.  ..W.  H.  ROBINSON  ............  Mayville 

Ohio  ..................  CHAS.  DICK  ....................  Columbus 

Oregon  ..............  GEO.  A.  STEEL  ...............  Rooms  600-604  Cham.  Com.,  Portland 

Pennsylvania  ....GEN.  FRANK  REEDER..Easton 

Rhode  Island  .....  HUNTER  C.  WHITE  ......  Providence 

South  Carolina.  ..R.  R.TOLBERT,jR  .........  Greenwood 

South  Dakota  .....  FRANK  CRANE  ...............  Sioux  Falls 

Tennessee  .........  A.  M.  TILLMAN  ...............  Nashville 

Texas  .................  E.  H.  R.  GREEN  ..............  Terrell 

Utah  ..................  E.  H.  CALLISTER  ...........  Salt  Lake  City 

Vermont  ............  IRA  R.  ALLEN  .................  Fair  Haven 

Virginia  ............  PARK  AGNEW  ................  Alexandria 

Washington  ......  J.  H.  SHIVELY  ................  Seattle 

West  Virginia.  ..W.  M.  O.  DAWSON  ..........  Parkersburg 

Wisconsin  .........  GEN.  GEO.  E.  BRYANT...Hotel  Pfister,  Milwaukee 

Wyoming  ..........  J.  A.  VAN  ORSDEL  .........  Cheyenne 


TERRITORIES 

Arizona CHAS.  R.  DRAKE Tucson 

Indian  Territory  H.  W.  DARROUGH Vinita 

New  Mexico. ...'..JOHN  S.  CLARK Las  Vegas 

Oklahoma WM.  GRIMES Guthrie 

2  17 


HON.    JOSEPH     H.     MANLEY,    of    Maine, 
Chairman  of  Sub-Committee  on  Arrangements  for  National  Convention  of  1900 


THE  LOCAL  COMMITTEES 
AND  THEIR  WORK 


BY  LEON  M.  COXWELL,  OF  PHILADELPHIA 


In  the  efforts  to  secure  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1900 
for  their  city,  in  the  preparation  and  arrangements  for  that  event  and 
in  providing  for  the  comfort  and  entertainment  of  the  delegates,  the  citi 
zens  of  Philadelphia  acted  as  one  harmonious  unit,  all  appreciating  the 
honor  of  having  the  convention  that  was  to  renominate  President  McKinley 
and  eager  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  make  it  a  success.  The  movement  pro 
gressed  continuously  from  the  day  of  its  inception,  and  when  the  conven 
tion  was  over  all  identified  with  it  agreed  that  the  convention  had  been 
the  best  arranged  and  most  successfully  executed  in  the  history  of  the 
party. 

The  first  public  suggestion  that  Philadelphia  should  strive  to  secure 
the  National  Convention  appeared  in  the  leading  editorial  of  "The  Press" 
on  October  i,  1899.  The  suggestion  was  general  in  its  nature,  but  it  was 
taken  up  by  the  Young  Republican  Club  and  soon  resolved  itself  into  a 
definite  attempt  to  bring  the  Republican  Convention  of  1900  to  Philadelphia. 
The  daily  papers  took  up  the  movement  and  on  November  I7th  in  re 
sponse  to  invitations  issued  by  the  Young  Republicans,  an  enthusiastic 
meeting  was  held  in  their  clubhouse.  Representatives  were  present  from 
the  Union  League,  the  Philadelphia  Bourse,  Manufacturers'  Club,  Board  of 
Trade,  National  Association  of  Manufacturers,  Hardware  Mechanics'  and 
Manufacturers'  Association,  Oil  Trade  Association,  Commercial  Exchange, 
Maritime  Exchange,  Grocers'  and  Importers'  Exchange,  Lumbermen's 
Exchange,  Drug  Exchange,  Paint  Club,  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Master 
Builders'  Exchange,  Philadelphia  Board  of  Marine  Underwriters,  Merchants' 
and  Salesmens'  Association,  Board  of  City  Passenger  Railways,  Working- 
mens'  Protective  Tariff  League,  Carpenters'  Company,  Bricklayers'  Com 
pany,  Business  Mens'  League,  the  Brewers'  Association,  the  various  railroad 
companies,  heads  of  departments  and  bureaus  of  the  city  government,  bank 
ing  interests,  Republican  City  Committee,  Republican  Ward  Executive  Com 
mittees  and  Republican  clubs. 

19 


20  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Horace  D.  Gavv,  president  of  the  Young  Republicans,  pointed  out 
the  strength  of  the  city's  claim  to  the  Convention,  since  it  was  the  strongest 
Republican  city  in  the  strongest  Republican  State  of  the  Union.  The  pecu 
liar  advantages  of  the  city  for  handling  crowds  and  housing  large  assem 
blies  were  pointed  out  by  others.  All  the  speakers  were  hearty  in  their 
advocacy  of  the  plan  and  the  enthusiasm  of  their  auditors  was  great.  One 
week  later,  at  the  Young  Republicans'  Club,  the  Citizens'  National  Repub 
lican  Convention  Association  was  formed  with  the  avowed  object  of  bend 
ing  every  energy  to  bringing  that  gathering  to  Philadelphia.  Thomas 
Martindale  was  elected  chairman  and  when  the  organization  was  perfected, 
Henry  Burk  was  elected  president;  Thomas  Martindale  first  vice-presi 
dent;  Mahlon  N.  Kline  second  vice-president;  Porter  F.  Cope  secretary, 
and  Richard  H.  Rushton,  treasurer.  Senator  Penrose,  National  Committee- 
man  Quay  and  the  entire  Pennsylvania  delegation  in  Congress  pledged 
their  heartiest  support.  Personal  appeals  were  sent  to  each  member  of 
the  National  Republican  Committee  and  after  a  few  days  of  energetic  work 
it  was  tacitly  agreed  that  if  the  Convention  came  east  it  would  come  to 
Philadelphia.  Committees  were  appointed  by  President  Burk  and  it  was 
decided  that  the  vast  auditorium  which  had  been  built  for  the  National 
Export  Exposition  would,  with  slight  alterations,  be  an  ideal  place  for  the 
Convention.  Director  General  Wilson  of  the  Exposition  and  Director  of  the 
Philadelphia  Museums,  entered  gladly  into  the  project  and  the  use  of  the 
building  was  easily  secured.  It  was  decided  to  pledge  $100,000  to  the  Na 
tional  Committee  if  the  Convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia. 
{/  On  December  nth,  1899,  the  sub-committee  of  the  Citizens'  Executive 
Committee  went  to  Washington  to  work  in  the  interest  of  Philadelphia 
before  the  meeting  of  the  National  Committee,  which  was  to  take  place 
four  days  later.  The  sub-committee  included  W.  S.  P.  Shields,  chairman; 
Henry  Brooks,  Penrose  A.  McClain,  Major  A.  T.  Ennis,  J.  F.  McLaughlin, 
Louis  H.  Smith  and  Robert  McWade.  Senator  Penrose  accompanied  them 
on  a  visit  to  President  McKinley,  during  which  Mr.  Shields  explained  the 
purpose  of  the  Committee's  visit  to  Washington.  The  President  naturally 
declined  to  express  any  preference  as  to  where  the  Republican  Convention 
should  be  held,  but  the  visitors  were  much  encouraged  by  his  evident 
kindly  feeling  for  Philadelphia. 

Delegations  seeking  the  convention  for  other  cities  were  soon  on  the 
ground,  and  the  rivalry  was  intense.  Philadelphia  presented  her  claims  in 
a  business-like  way  and  left  no  stone  unturned  which  could  further  her 
}  object.  The  experience  of  the  city  with  the  National  Export  Exposition, 
the  Peace  Jubilee  and  the  National  Encampment  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  was  practical  proof  of  her  ability  to  provide  for  big  occasions 
and  to  handle  large  crowds  without  inconvenience  or  discomfort. 

On  December  i4th,  Philadelphia's  committee  of  one  hundred  repre 
sentative  citizensTheaded  by  Mayor  Samuel  H.  Ashbridge,  left  in  a  special 
train  for  Washington.  The  committee  met  at  the  Young  Republican  Club, 
where  each  one  was  given  a  badge,  and  the  march  begun  to  Broad  Street 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  21 

Station.  J.  Hampton  Moore,  the  Mayor's  secretary,  accompanied  the 
party  and  the  members  of  the  Committee  included: 

Mahlon  N.  Kline,  Edward  T.  Davis,  John  V.  Cresson,  Edwin  S.  Cramp, 
Richard  H.  Rushton,  J.  Martin  Rommel,  Richard  B.  Williams,  George  G. 
Clark,  M.  D.,  J.  F.  Hartman,  B  F.  Jarrett,  J.  H.  Scott,  Richard  G.  Oellers, 
Charles  H.  Sayre,  J.  G.  Ramsdell,  George  B.  McClellan,  W.  E.  McCall,  Jr., 
E.  St.  Elmo  Lewis,  S.  K.  Shedaker,  William  C.  Kramer,  P.  C.  B.  O'Dono- 
van,  Daniel  J.  Shern,  Frank  Roma,  Colonel  WTilliam  J.  Bruehl,  Alexander 
Cowan,  Colonel  J.  J.  Hinds,  Joseph  J.  Martin,  J.  William  Morgan,  Horace 
Pettit,  Captain  R.  B.  Schellinger,  Dr.  H.  Bullen,  William  Matthews,  W.  H. 
Redheffer,  G.  Wallace  Simpson,  Emory  P.  Day,  Colonel  O.  C.  Bosbyshell. 
Joseph  A.  Eslen,  John  Lunkenheimer,  Jr.,  William  G.  Carroll,  Albert  Web 
ster,  Walter  Graham,  John  R.  McFetridge,  Edward  E.  Paxson,  Frank 
Leake,  Dr.  William  H.  Bricker,  John  McClintock,  John  W.  Woodside, 
William  B.  Cunningham,  Morris  Newburger,  George  E.  Vickers,  M.  J. 
O'Callaghan,  David  Lavis,  Lincoln  Acker. 

Thomas  Martindale,  Russell  Duane,  Dr.  Wilmer  R.  Batt,  James  Henry, 
S.  Abrahams,  Colonel  John  A.  Weidersheim,  Horace  D.  Gaw,  Murray 
Gibson,  I.  Stroud  Hinkson,  Colonel  Wendell  P.  Bowman,  B.  F.  Oblinger, 
John  R.  Wiggins,  William  C.  Gross,  Charles  N.  Mann,  Andrew  V.  Brown, 
W.  A.  Fredericks,  R.  H.  Innes,  Joseph  McGlathery,  Robert  B.  Kelly, 
W.  H.  Cullen,  C.  C.  A.  Baldi,  William  H.  Brooks,  Howard  B.  French, 
John  A.  Leslie,  Evan  Morris,  John  A.  O'Rourke,  Charles  M.  Swain, 
Thomas  M.  Updyke,  Dr.  William  P.  Wilson,  Colonel  John  A.  Morris, 
Edwin  S.  Stuart,  James  B.  Craighead,  C.  S.  Warfield,  Porter  F.  Cope. 
John  H.  Klang,  Elmer  S.  Little,  William  R.  Knight,  Jr.,  H.  D.  Beaston, 
Cyrus  S.  Detre,  Charles  L.  Flanigan,  George  W.  Sunderland,  George 
Demming,  Dr.  C.  S.  Page,  James  Stewart,  Matthias  Seddinger,  Theodore 
C.  Search,  Benjamin  P.  Obdyke,  John  G.  Croxton,  Henry  W.  Lambert, 
Byron  E.  Wrigley,  A.  S.  Hottel,  George  B.  Wilson,  Jr.,  Thomas  R.  Sewell, 
Dr.  James  M.  Magee,  John  S.  Stewart,  W.  C.  Felton,  C.  H.  Johnson, 
George  W.  Ledlie,  George  V.  Kerst,  W.  H.  Mohler,  Harry  R.  Wildey, 
John  Alexander,  Benjamin  L.  Berry,  Robert  vonMoschzisker,  and  W. 
H.  Sayen. 

Councils  appointed  a  committee  of  ten  from  each  chamber  to  co-operate 
with  the  Citizens'  Committee. 

The  claims  of  Philadelphia  were  presented  at  the  meeting  of  the  Na 
tional  Committee  on  December  J-Sth,  by  Mayor  Ashbridge,  Congressmen 
Bingham  and  Adams,  and  Messrs.  Shields  and  Burk  of  the  Citizens'  Com 
mittee.  On  the  first  ballot  the  vote  stood:  Philadelphia,  13;  Chicago,  20: 
St.  Louis,  9;  New  York,  7.  On  the  next  ballot  Philadelphia  received  24 
votes,  Chicago,  23,  and  St.  Louis,  i.  The  choice  was  made  on  the  third 
ballot,  when  Philadelphia  received  25  votes  to  24  for  Chicago.  The  choice 
was  then  made  unanimous  and  the  delegations  from  rival  cities  cheerfully 
joined  in  the  cheers  for  Philadelphia  and  the  Republican  Convention  of 


22  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

1900.  When  the  committee  returned  to  Philadelphia  that  night  there  was 
a  great  demonstration,  including  a  parade,  and  the  work  of  making  good 
the  promises  and  perfecting  the  details  of  the  coining  Convention  was 
begun  in  earnest.  The  Committee  on  Finance  began  the  labors  of  secur 
ing  the  $100,000.  The  Building  Committee  arranged  for  alterations  to 
the  Exposition  Auditorium. 

When  National  Committeemen  Payne  of  Wisconsin,  Manley  of  Maine, 
and  Fessenden  of  Connecticut,  arrived  on  December  I7th,  they  found 
everything  running  smoothly.  After  inspecting  the  buildings  Mr.  Payne 
said:  "We  expect  great  things  of  your  city  and  I  feel  sure  we  will  not 
be  disappointed."  That  they  were  not  disappointed  is  now  a  matter  of 
Republican  history. 

As  the  first  of  the  year  approached  the  sentiment  grew  that  as  the 
reputation  of  Philadelphia  was  at  stake  in  providing  for  the  Convention, 
a  committee  should  be  formed  with  more  authority  and  responsibility  than 
could  be  assumed  by  the  Citizens'  Convention  Committee.  There  were 
a  number  of  resignations  from  the  Committee  and  on  January  3ist  over 
sixty  representative  men  of  Philadelphia  met  with  Mayor  Ashbridge  in 
his  office  to  discuss  the  best  plan  of  raising  the  fund  of  $100,000  promised 
to  the  National  Committee.  The  Mayor  was  elected  chairman,  and  on 
February  pth  the  Citizens'  National  Republican  Convention  Association 
was  merged  with  the  Mayor's  Committee  and  the  Mayor  was  named  as 
the  responsible  head  of  the  organization.  His  secretary,  J.  Hampton 
Moore,  as  President  of  the  State  League  of  Republican  Clubs,  interested 
himself  heartily  in  the  movement,  and  at  a  meeting  in  the  Union  Repub 
lican  Club,  representatives  from  forty-eight  clubs  met  to  arrange  for  the 
care  and  entertainment  of  visiting  clubs  and  delegates  with  the  object 
in  view  of  maintaining  Philadelphia's  reputation  for  hospitality. 

The  make-up  of  the  Philadelphia  Citizens'  National  Republican  Con 
vention  Committee  as  finally  organized  and  by  which  the  plans  for  the 
Convention  were  pushed  to  completion  is  as  follows: 

MAYOR  SAMUEL  H.  ASHBRIDGE,  CHARLES  H.  CRAMP, 

Chairman.  Vice-Chairman. 

JAMES  POLLOCK,  Chairman  Finance  Committee. 

RICHARD  H.  RUSHTOX,  J.  HAMPTON  MOORE, 

Treasurer.  General  Secretary. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 

J.  J.  SEEDS,   Chairman. 

SAMUEL  H.  ASHBRIDGE,  JOHN  G.  CARRUTH, 

CHARLES  C.  ADAMS,  HENRY  CLAY, 

ALEXANDER  BALFOUR,  CHARLES  H.   CRAMP, 

C.  W.   BERGNER,  GEORGE  V.   CRESSON, 

J.   H.  BROMLEY,  WILLIAM  J.  COLLINS, 

RALPH  BLUM,  EDWARD  T.  DAVIS, 

HENRY   BURK,  SAMUEL  DISSTON, 


HON.    SAMUEL    H.    ASHBRIDGE 
Mayor  of  Philadelphia 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


MURRELL   DOBBINS, 
JOHN  FIELD, 
H.   B.  FRENCH, 
HENRY  A.  FRY, 

WILLIAM  B.  GILL, 
JOSEPH  R.  GRUNDY, 
J.  OGDEN  HOFFMAN, 
JAMES  HENRY, 
J.  S.  W.  HOLTON, 
E.  CLARENCE  HOWARD, 
MAHLON  N.  KLINE, 
WILLIAM  L.  MARTIN, 
WILLIAM  L.  MCLEAN, 

PENROSE  A.   McCLAIN, 
JOHN   MUNDELL, 
WILLIAM  J.   MILLIGAN, 
J.  HAMPTON  MOORE, 
GEORGE  F.  PAYNE, 
JAMES  POLLOCK, 
WILLIAM  T.   B.   ROBERTS, 
RICHARD  H.  RUSHTON, 
W.   S.   P.  SHIELDS, 
W.   H.   STAAKE, 
ISAAC  SCHLICTER, 


RICHARD  G.  OELLERS, 
CHARLES  F.  WARWICK, 
CHARLES  J.  WEBB, 
MAHLON  D.  YOUNG, 

Committee  on  Badges: 
HENRY  CLAY,  Chairman. 
RICHARD  G.  OELLERS, 
HENRY  BURK. 

Committee  on  Decorations: 
J.  S.  W.  HOLTON,  Chairman. 
JOHN  G.  CARRUTH, 
HOWARD   B.   FRENCH, 
JOSEPH   R.    GRUNDY, 
MAHLON  N.   KLINE. 

Committee  on  Accommodations: 
W.  S.  P.  SHIELDS,  Chairman. 
EDWARD  T.  DAVIS, 
WILLIAM  J.   COLLINS, 
W.  T.   B.   ROBERTS, 
WILLIAM   L.   MARTIN. 


RECEPTION  COMMITTEE. 

CHARLES  F.  WARWICK,    Chairman. 


ADAMS,  CHARLES  C., 
ADAMS,  ROBERT,  JR., 
ANDERSON,   H.  E., 
ARTMAN,  E.  A., 
ANDERS,  J.  M., 
ALLISON,  THOMAS  W-, 
BROOKS,  HENRY, 
BAUGH,  DANIEL, 
BLUM,  RALPH, 
BALFOUR,  ALEXANDER, 
BURK,  HENRY, 
BROMLEY,  JOHN  H., 
BLASIUS,   OSCAR, 
BODINE,   SAMUEL, 
BIGELOW,  A.   C., 
BUSCH,  MEIERS, 
BALDI,  C.   C.  A., 
BERGNER,   CHAS.  WMV 
BALTZ,  ALBERT, 
BARNEY,  CHARLES  D., 
BUCK.  DANIEL  N., 
BURPEE,  W.  ATLEE, 
BERWIND,  M.  A., 
BALLARD,   ELLIS  AMES, 
BROMLEY,  JOSEPH  H., 
BAILEY,  JOHN  N., 
BETZ,   J.    FRED., 
BINGHAM,  HENRY  H., 
BLANKENBURG,  RUDOLPH, 


BAILEY,   CHARLES   W., 
BRADENBURG,  CHARLES  A., 
BRINGHURST,  R.  R., 
BROOKS,   DR.  EDWARD, 
BROWN,   JOSEPH   H., 
BROWN,  EVERETT  B., 
BOK,  EDWARD  W., 
BUNN,  WILLIAM  M., 
BAILEY,  JOHN  W., 
BEATH,  ROBERT  B., 
CONVERSE,  JOHN  H., 
CLAY,  HENRY, 
CUMING,  JOHN  K., 
CASSATT,  A.  J., 
CRESSON,  GEORGE  V., 
CARRUTH,  JOHN  G., 
CALDWELL  J.   E. 
CRAMP  CHARLES  H. 
CARSON  HAMPTON   L., 
CRAMP,  EDWIN  S., 
CLOTHIER,  CLARKSON, 
CROW,  ALEXANDER,  JR., 
CLEMENT,  SAMUEL  M., 
CARPENTER,  WILLIAM   H., 
COLLINS,  WILLIAM  J., 
COLESBERRY,  ALEXANDER  P., 
CUNNINGHAM,  THOMAS, 
CORBIN,   J.    ROSS, 
COPE,  PORTER  F., 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


COOK,  JOEL  G-, 
CROXTON,  JOHN  G., 
CADWALLADER,  A.  J., 
CARSTAIRS,  J.  HAZELTINE, 
CAMPION,  RICHARD, 
DETRE,  CYRUS  S., 
DISSTON,  SAMUEL, 
DEVLIN,  THOMAS, 
DODGE,  JAMES  M., 
DAVIS,  EDWARD  T., 
DOBSON,  JOHN, 
DOBSON,  JAMES, 
DOBBINS,  MURRELL, 
DAVIS,  ROBERT  S., 
DUNLAP,  HARRY  C., 
DUNLAP,  JOHN, 
DICK,  EVANS  R., 
DISSTON,  WILLIAM, 
DUGAN,  THOMAS, 
DOAK,  JAMES,  JR., 
DANDO,   THOMAS   S., 
DARLINGTON,  JOSEPH  G., 
DOLAN,  THOMAS, 
DAVIS,  G.  HARRY, 
ELVERSON,  JAMES,  JR., 
ELVERSON,  JAMES, 
ELLISON,  WILLIAM  H., 
ELLIOTT,  GEORGE  J., 
ENNIS,  A.  J., 
ENGLISH,   ABRAHAM   L., 
EMSLEY,  WILLIAM, 
EVERLY,  ADAM, 
FITZGERALD,   HARRINGTON, 
FOX,  ALEXANDER  H., 
FIELD,  JOHN, 
FILBERT,   L.   S., 
FOERDERER,   ROBERT  H., 
FITLER,  E.  H.,  JR., 
FOX,  L.  WEBSTER, 
FOULKROD,  W.  W., 
FREIHOFER,  WILLIAM, 
FRENCH,  HOWARD  B., 
FORD,  WILLIAM, 
FINKENAUER,  THEODORE, 
FRY,  HENRY  A., 
FRICKE,  J.  E., 
GIBBS,  W.  W., 
GILL,  WILLIAM  F., 
QRATZ,  SIMON, 
(1RUNDY,  JOSEPH  R., 
GRIEB,  J.  G., 
GARDINER,   JOHN, 
GRAY,  HENRY  W., 
GILLINGHAM,  CHARLES  A., 
GREENE,  STEPHEN, 
GIMBEL.,  ELLIS  A., 
GOLDNER,   HENRY, 


GAW,  HORACE  D., 
GROVE,  GEORGE  W., 
GRADY,  JOHN  G., 
GRAY,  JOHN   GORDON, 
GAYTON,  S.  R., 
HARRIS,   FRANKLIN   M. 
HALLAHAN,  P.  T., 
HENSEL,   GEORGE  S., 
HARRISON,  THOMAS  S., 
HIRES,  CHARLES  E., 
HOUSTON,  SAMUEL  F., 
HOOD,  JAMES, 
HAUCK,   PHILIP, 
HOFFMAN,  J.   OGDEN, 
HARRIS,  JOSEPH  S., 
HARDING,  CHARLES  H. 
HARTMAN,  WENCEL, 
HENDERSON,  J.  D.  G., 
HUHN,   GEORGE  A., 
HULSHIZER,  J.  D., 
HOLTON,  J.  S.  W., 
HENRY,  CHARLES  W., 
HENRY,  JAMES, 
HARMER,  A.   C.,  JR., 
HART,  JOHN  W., 
HUSTON,  JOSEPH  M., 
HOFFMAN,  J.  W., 
HETHERINGTON,  A.  G., 
HADDOCK,  WILLIAM  C. 
HACKETT,  HORATIO  B.? 
HUNT,  D.  W., 
HESTON,  HARRY  B., 
HENRY,  J.  BAYARD, 
HUEY,  WILLIAM  G., 
HIBBS,  JAMES  M., 
HAYES,  JAMES  A., 
HANCE,   EDWARD  N., 
HOWARD,  CLARENCE  E. 
IVINS,  WILLIAM, 
JONES,   J.   R., 
JERMON,  J.  G., 
JAGODE,  PHILIP, 
KLINE,  MAHLON  N., 
KESS,  JOSEPH  S., 
KINDRED,  CHARLES  F.. 
KINSEY,  JOHN  L., 
KENDRICK,  JOHN  R., 
KETTERLINUS,  J.  L., 
KILBURN,  JOHN  H., 
LEAKE,  FRANK, 
LIT,   SAMUEL   D., 
LAMBERT,  WILLIAM   H.. 
LAUMAN,   FLOYD, 
LANE,   DAVID  H., 
LESLEY,  ROBERT  W., 
LEWIS,  JOHN   T., 
MATHIEU,   J.   P., 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


25 


MAYER,   GUSTAV, 
MANN,  CHARLES  H., 
MITCHELL,  S.   MURRAY, 
MUNDELL,  JOHN, 
MARTINDALE,  THOMAS, 
MARTIN,  DAVID, 
MARTIN,   D.   B., 
MALTBY,  L.  U., 
MILLIGAN,   WILLIAM  J., 
MORSE,  EDWIN  F., 
MALONE,    EDWIN  V., 
MORRELL,   EDWARD  de  V., 
MULHOLLAND,  ST.  CLAIR  A., 
MARTIN,   WILLIAM  L., 
MARKS,   FERDINAND, 
MACK,  JOHN  M., 
MILES,  JAMES  L., 
MALPASS,  EDWARD  M., 
MOYER,  WILLIAM,  JR., 
McBRIDE,  THOMAS  C., 
McCAHAN,  WILLIAM  J., 
McCALL,  JOSEPH  B., 
McCLAIN,  PENROSE  A., 
McCLURE,  ALEXANDER  K., 
McCLOSKEY,  JOHN  J., 
McCORMICK,  LAWRENCE, 
McCORMICK,  W.  M., 
McCURDY,  GEORGE, 
MxcILWAINE,  E.  A., 

MCLAUGHLIN,  JAMES  F., 
MCLEAN,  WILLIAM  L., 

McMAHON,   DAVID, 
McMICHAEL,  CLAYTON, 
McMICHAEL,  MORTON, 
McMULLEN,  DAVID,  JR., 
McNICHOL,  JAMES  P., 
NACHOD,   JULIUS   E., 
NEEDHAM,  JAMES   F., 
NORTON,  CHARLES  B., 
O'ROURKE,  MICHAEL, 
OBLINGER,   BENJAMIN   F., 
OELLERS,   RICHARD   G., 
OTT,  WILLIAM  H., 
PARSONS,  JOHN  B., 
PORTER,  CHARLES  A., 
POWERS,  THOMAS  H., 
PASSMORE,  LINCOLN   K., 
PATTON,  WILLIAM   A., 
POTH,  F.  A., 
PLUMB,  FAYETTE  R., 
PATTON,  EDWARD  W., 
POTTER,  THOMAS,  JR., 
PHILLER,  GEORGE, 
PAYNE,  GEORGE  F., 
PERNA,  JOSEPH, 
POLLOCK,  JAMES, 


PIERIE,   GEORGE  G., 
PETTIT,  HORACE, 
PAGE,  HARLAN, 
PRATT,  D.  T., 
PENROSE.  BOIES, 
PATTERSON,  GEORGE  STUART, 
PEOPLES,  DAVID, 
RIDGWAY,  JACOB  E., 
ROSENGARTEN,  J.  G., 
ROTHERMEL,   P.   F.,  JR., 
RICHARDSON,  THOMAS 
REEVES,  FRANCIS  B., 
RAMSDELL,  J.   G., 
ROBERTS,  WILLIAM  T.  B., 
RICE,  THOMAS  B., 
RIGHTER,   FREDERICK  C., 
ROMMEL,  J.  MARTIN, 
RIEBENACK,   MAX, 
REYBURN,  JOHN  E., 
REYBURN,  W.  S., 
RONEY,  WILLIAM  J., 
RYAN,  WALTER, 
STOTESBURY,  E.  T., 
SWETT,  GEORGE  W., 
SNELLENBURG,  NATHAN, 
SCHOEN,   CHARLES  T., 
SWAIN,  CHARLES  N., 
SAYEN,  WILLIAM  HENRY, 
SHOCK,   HENRY  R., 
SULLIVAN,  JAMES  F., 
SMITH,  LOUIS  H., 
SMITH,   EDWARD  L, 
SMITH,  CHARLES, 
SMITH,  ROBERT, 
SMITH,   WINTHROP, 
STRONG,  JAMES, 
SOULAS,  CHARLES  W., 
STOKLEY,  WILLIAM  S., 
STEAD,  WESLEY, 
SCHELL,  EDWARD  L., 
STAAKE,  WILLIAM  H., 
SCHWAAB,  C.  M.. 
SCHLICTER,   ISAAC, 
SEEDS,  JACOB  J., 
SEWELL,  WILLIAM  J., 
SUPPLEE,  J.   WESLEY, 
STAFFORD,  JOHN, 
SHARP,  SAMUEL  S., 
STEVENS,  JOHN   S., 
SHAFTO,  T.  MILTON, 
SHOEMAKER,  HARRY  B., 
SMEDLEY,  WILLIAM, 
SHIELDS,  W.  S.   P., 
SHIELDS,  A.  S.  L., 
STUART,  EDWIN  S., 
STRAWBRIDGE,  JUSTUS  C, 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


WARWICK,  CHARLES  F., 
WEGER,  FRANK  L., 
WALTON,  JOHN  M., 
WOLF,  CLARENCE, 
WOLSTENHOLME,  THOMAS, 
WOOD,  WILLIAM, 
WYETH,  F.  H., 
WATTS,   DAVID  H., 
WAHN,  SAMUEL  W., 
WANAMAKER,  WILLIAM  H., 
WILSON,  JAMES, 
WILSON,  WILLIAM   P., 
WOODSIDE,  JOHN  W., 
WOODWARD,  GEORGE, 
WIGGINS,  JOHN  R., 
WOOD,  MORRISON  D., 
WINDRIM,  JOHN  T., 
WALTON,  HENRY  F., 
WARBURTON,  BARCLAY  H., 
WAGNER,   LOUIS, 
WIEDERSHEIM,  JOHN  A., 
WEYGANDT,  JULIUS  S., 
WEAVER,  GEORGE  W., 
YOUNG,  JAMES  R., 
YOUNG,  MAHLON  D., 


SNOWDEN,  A.  LOUDON, 
SOLIS,  ISAAC  H., 
SEARCH,  THEODORE  C., 
STEWART,  HENRY  C., 
SMEDLEY,  W.  HENRY, 
SCOTT,  JAMES  F., 
SMYTH,    MARIOTT  C., 
SCATTERGOOD,  HENRY  W., 
SELIG,  ELY  K., 
TOWNSEND,  HENRY  L., 
TRAINER,  HENRY  J., 
THOMAS,  C.  WESLEY, 
TILDEN,  WILLIAM  T., 
TRAINER,  EDWARD, 
TARR,  H.  G.  R., 
VOORHEES,  THEODORE  E., 
VARE,  GEORGE  A., 
VIRDIN,  JOHN, 
VOORHEES,   CHARLES  E., 
VAN  NEESEN,  T.   W., 
VAN  RENNSELAER,  ALEX., 
VON  MOSCHZISKER,  ROBERT, 
VREEMAN,  SAMUEL  B., 
WANAMAKER,  THOMAS  B., 
WELLS,  CALVIN, 
WEBB,  CHARLES  J., 

Of  the  Allied  Republican  Clubs  of  Philadelphia  and  vicinity,  under  whose 
auspices  the  convention  parade  was  held,  and  which  were  active  in  the 
entertainment  of  guests,  the  following  were  the  officers: 

President,  J.  HAMPTON  MOORE. 

Vice-President,  THOMAS  J.  POWERS, 

Secretary,  JOHN  KELLY. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 

Chairman, 
J.  HAMPTON  MOORE. 

Vice-Chairmen, 
JST,  JOHN  C.  GRADY,  20,  HORACE  D.  GAW,  30,  JOHN  VIRDIN. 

Secretary,  Asst.  Secretary, 

JOHN   KELLEY.  WILLIAM  C.  T.  BAUERLE. 
Financial  Secretary,  Treasurer, 

J.  MARTIN  ROMMEL.  T.  E.  WIEDERSHEIM. 

CHAIRMEN  OF  COMMITTEES. 

Finance,  Conferences  and  Courtesies, 

JOHN  R.  WIGGINS,  WILLIAM  J.   MILLIGAN. 

Reception  and  Entertainment.  Badges,  Music  and  Decorations, 

JOHN   C.    GRADY.  WILLIAM  M.  GEARY. 

Hotels  and   Boarding  Houses.  Demonstrations, 

JAMES  H.   ECKERSLEY.  FREDERICK  M.  WAGNER. 

Transportation,  Press  and  Printing, 

JAMES  F.  MORRISON.  ARTHUR  R.  H.  MORROW. 

The  work  of  collecting  the  fund  of  $100,000  was  a  large  undertaking 
even  in  Philadelphia,  whose  generosity  is  widely  known.  The  collections 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  27 

were  pushed  with  energy  by  the  Mayor  and  Chairman  Pollock  of  the 
Finance  Committee,  and  on  February  i6th  Mayor  Ashbridge  forwarded 
to  Senator  Hanna,  Chairman  of  the  National  Republican  Committee,  his 
check  for  $25,000,  being  the  first  quarter  of  the  fund  pledged  in  the  name 
of  the  city.  Before  March  ist  a  check  for  the  second  quarter  was  sent 
to  Washington  and  the  third  quarter  was  forwarded  soon  after.  The 
completion  of  the  $100,000  fund  was  announced  on  May  I4th  and  stragg 
ling  subscriptions  coming  in  afterwards  swelled  the  total  considerably 
above  $100,000.  Philadelphia,  as  usual,  more  than  made  good  her  word. 

Alterations  on  the  hall  were  speedily  made  and  the  accommodations 
planned  to  seat  15,000  people.  At  every  visit  of  members  or  sub-com 
mittees  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  nothing  but  words  of  com 
mendation  were  given.  Sergeant-at-arms  George  N.  Wiswell,  after  his 
tour  of  inspection  on  March  24th,  said:  "I  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying 
that  the  arrangements  made  by  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  for  the  coming 
Convention  are  in  every  respect  satisfactory  to  the  Republican  National 
Committee.  I  may  also  say  that  in  my  opinion  the  hall  in  which  the 
Convention  is  to  be  held  will  be  the  best  in  which  a  national  convention 
has  ever  met." 

When  the  Convention  assembled  on  June  ipth  everything  that  could 
be  done  by  Philadelphia  to  make  it  a  success  had  been  done.  The  organi 
zation  of  the  Citizens'  Committee  and  the  Allied  Republican  Clubs  was 
perfect  and  it  worked  like  a  well  oiled  machine.  Every  citizen  was  eager 
to  help  in  looking  after  the  delegates  and  other  visitors  to  the  Convention. 
The  police  arrangements  were  unexcelled  and  transportation  facilities 
adequate.  Providence  assisted  by  providing  ideal  weather,  and  on  every 
side  were  heard  enthusiastic  and  continual  laudations  of  Philadelphia,  her 
energy,  her  hospitality  and  her  ability  to  provide  for  great  events. 

To  Mayor  Ashbridge  and  through  him  to  the  citizens  of  the  city  Na 
tional  Committeeman  Hanna  said:  "I  want  to  say  to  you,  Mr.  Mayor, 
that  I  have  heard  the  opinion  expressed  everywhere  that  Philadelphia 
in  the  matter  of  this  Convention  has  outdone  herself.  I  want  to  say 
to  you  in  all  sincerity  that  we  have  never  seen  anything  like  it.  The 
members  of  the  National  Committee  are  pleased  beyond  expression.  Per 
sonally,  I  cannot  thank  you  too  much  for  what  you  and  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  have  done  to  make  the  Convention  a  success  and  to  make 
the  visit  of  the  delegates  and  their  friends  agreeable.  Everybody  is  talk 
ing  about  it  and  one  and  all  are  sounding  theN  praises  of  Philadelphia  as 
a  convention  city.  The  perfect  order  that  has  been  maintained  here  is 
freely  commented  upon.  The  hospitality  of  your  people  has  been  bound 
less  and  with  all  the  liberality  I  have  seen  no  signs  of  disorder." 

The  National  Chairman  also  congratulated  Mr.  Moore  on  the  arrange 
ments  made  and  carried  out  by  the  Allied  Republican  Clubs.  Mr.  Hanna 
but  voiced  the  general  sentiment,  and  when  the  Convention,  having  ac 
complished  its  business,  adjourned,  the  delegates  spread  all  over  the  Union 
the  praises  of  Philadelphia;  the  typical  American  city. 


HON.    EDWARD   O.    WOLCOTT,  of  Colorado, 

Temporary  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  and  Chairman  of  the  Committee  to 
Notify  the  Candidate  for  Vice-President 


PROCEEDINGS 

OF  THE 


Republican  National  Convention 


HELD    IN 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA, 


June    19,    20    and    2J,    1900 


THE  FIRST  DAY 

THE  CALL  TO  ORDER  AND  OPENING  PRAYER— ADDRESS  OF 
CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE,  MR.  HANNA 
—TEMPORARY  OFFICERS  AND  ORGANIZATION— AD- 
DRES^  OF  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN,  MR.  WOLCOTT— 
STANDING  COMMITTEES— PRAYER  OF  CHAPLAIN  OF  THE 
NATIONAL  CONVENTION  OF  1856. 


CONVENTION  HALL 

PHILADELPHIA,  PENNA.,  Tuesday,  June  19,  1900. 

Mr.  MARCUS  A.  HANNA,  of  Ohio,  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee  (at  12.36  o'clock  p.  m.)  The  Convention  will  come  to  order, 
and  will  be  opened  with  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  James  Gray  Bolton,  of 
Philadelphia. 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  JAMES  GRAY  BOLTON,  D.  D. 

Rev.  James  Gray  Bolton,  D.  D.,  of  Philadelphia,  offered  the  following 
prayer: 

O  Thou  who  art  a  Spirit  Infinite,  eternal,  unchangeable,  in  Thy  being, 
wisdom,  power,  holiness,  justice,  goodness,  and  truth. 

Thou   art   the    Sovereign   God. 

The  Creator,  ruler,  disposer  of  us,  and  all  that  Thou  hast  made. 

Thy  thoughts  are  not  our  thoughts,  nor  Thy  ways  our  ways. 

Thy  mercy  is  not  limited  to  persons  and  to  races,  but  comprehendeth  all 
that  live  and  breathe. 


30  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Blessed  be  Thy  name.  Thy  glory  is  shown,  and  Thy  kingdom  established 
and  advanced  in  leading  men  and  nations,  by  a  way  that  they  knew  not, 
to  a  land  of  security  and  peace. 

Oh,  that  men  would  praise  Thee  for  Thy  goodness  and  for  Thy  wonder 
ful  works  to  the  children  of  men. 

We  adore  Thee  for  the  way  in  which  Thou  hast  led  us. 

The  glory  and  honor  of  our  nation  is  the  manifestation  of  Thy  power 
and  glory. 

Thou  hast  led  us  in  ways  not  of  our  own  choosing;  ways  best  for  us 
and  most  to  Thy  glory. 

May  we   cheerfully  follow  where  Thou  leadest. 

Thou  hast  been  the  God  of  our  fathers. 

Thou  art  the  God  of  their  children. 

Our  trust  is  in  Thee. 

Save  us,   O   Lord,   from   ingratitude  and  discontent. 

Give   us   the   spirit   of  praise   and  thanksgiving. 

Grant  that  we,  as  a  nation  and  a  people,  may  remember  Thy  goodness, 
and  praise  Thee  for  continued  life  and  prosperity. 

O  Lord,  our  God,  let  Thy  richest  blessing  rest  upon  Thy  servant,  the 
President  of  these  United  States. 

Indue  him  with  a  competency  of  Thy  divine  wisdom;  that  he  may  direct 
the  affairs  of  the  nation  to  Thy  glory  and  the  well-being  of  all  our  people. 

We  humbly  beseech  Thee,  O  Lord  God,  to  bless  all  in  authority. 

Sustain  them  in  their  responsible  relations  to  Thee  and  a  free  people. 

O  God  of  all  wisdom  and  grace,  grant  unto  this  assembly  wisdom,  grace, 
and  guidance;  that  in  all  their  deliberations,  and  conclusions.  Thy  name 
shall  be  glorified,  'the  honor  of  this  nation  maintained  and  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  the  people  established. 

Glory  be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the  Son  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  it  was 
in  the  beginning,  is  now,  and  ever  shall  be,  world  without  end,  Amen. 
t 

CALL  FOR  THE  CONVENTION. 

Mr.  M.  A.  HANNA,  of  Ohio.— The  Secretary  will  now  read  the  call  for  the 
Convention. 

Mr.  CHARLES  DICK,  Secretary  of  the  Republican  National  Committee, 
read  the  call  for  the  Convention,  as  follows: 


HEADQUARTERS  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 
N.  W.  Cor.  I4th  and  G  Streets,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The    Executive     Committee— M.    A.    Hanna,    Ohio,    Chairman;     Charles 
Dick,  Akron,  Ohio,  Secretary;  James  G.  Cannon,  New  York,  Treasurer;  M. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  31 

5.  Quay,  Beaver,  Pennsylvania;  Joseph  H.  Manley,  Augusta,  Maine;  Henry 
C.    Payne,  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin;   Powell   Clayton,   Eureka  Springs,  Ark.; 
W.    T.    Durbin,   Anderson,    Indiana;    Cyrus    Leland,   Troy,    Kansas;    N.    B. 
Scott,  Wheeling,  West  Virginia;  Charles  G.  Dawes,  Evanston,  Illinois. 

To  the  Republican  Electors  of  the  United  States: 

In  accordance  with  established  custom  and  in  obedience  to  instructions 
of  the  National  Convention  of  1896,  the  National  Republican  Committee 
directs  that  a  National  Convention  of  delegated  representatives  of  the 
Republican  party  be  held  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President,  to  be  voted  for  at  the  Presidential  election,  Tuesday,  November 

6,  1900,  and  for  the  transaction  of  such  other  business  as  may  properly 
come  before  it,  and  that  said  Convention  shall  assemble  at  12  o'clock  noon 
on  Tuesday,  the  ipth  day  of  June,  1900. 

The  Republican  electors  of  the  several  States,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  the  Territories,  and  all  other  electors,  without  regard  to  past  political 
affiliations,  who  believe  in  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  en 
dorse  its  policies,  are  cordially  invited  to  unite  under  this  call  in  the 
selection  of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

Said   National   Convention   shall   consist   of  a  number   of  delegates   at 
large  from  each  State,  equal  to  double  the_number  oMJnited  States  Sena 


tors  to  which  each  State  is  entitlec[~  and  for  each  representative  at  large 
in  Congress  two  delegates  at  large;  from  each  Congressional  district  and 
the  District  of  Columbia,  two  delegates;  from  each  of  the  Territories  of 
Alaska,  Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New  Mexico,  and  Oklahoma,  two  dele 
gates.  For  each  delegate  elected  to  said  Convention  an  alternate  delegate 
shall  be  elected  to  act  in  case  of  the  absence  of  the  delegate,  said  alternate 
delegate  to  be  elected  at  the  time  and  in  the  manner  of  electing  the  delegate. 

All  delegates  shall  be  elected  not  less  than  thirty  days  before  the  meet 
ing  of  the  National  Convention.  Delegates  at  large  shall  be  elected  by 
popular  State  and  Territorial  Conventions,  of  which  at  least  thirty  days* 
notice  shall  have  been  published  in  some  newspaper  or  newspapers  of 
general  circulation  in  the  respective  States  and  Territories. 

The  Congressional  district  delegates  shall  be  elected  by  conventions 
called  by  the  Congressional  Committee  of  each  district,  in  the  manner 
of  nominating  the  candidate  for  Representative  in  Congress  in  said  dis 
trict,  provided,  that  in  any  Congressional  district  where  there  is  no  Re 
publican  Congressional  Committee,  the  Republican  State  Committee  shall 
appoint  from  among  the  Republicans  residents  in  such  district,  a  committee 
for  the  purpose  of  calling  a  district  convention  to  elect  delegates  to  repre 
sent  said  district. 

The  election  of  delegates  from  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  be  held 
under  the  direction  and  supervision  of  an  election  board  composed  of  Hon. 
John  B.  Cotton,  Mr.  W.  C.  Chase,  and  Mr.  L.  M.  Saunders. 


32  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Such  board  shall  have  authority  to  fix  the  date  of  such  election  and  to 
arrange  all  details  and  regulations  incident  thereto,  and  shall  provide  for 
a  registration  of  the  votes  as  cast,  such  registration  to  include  the  name  and 
residence  of  each  voter. 

The  Territorial  delegates  shall  be  elected  in  the  manner  of  nominating 
candidates  for  delegates  in  Congress,  and  delegates  from  the  Indian  Ter 
ritory  and  Alaska  shall  be  elected  by  popular  convention. 

We  recommend  that  the  Territories  of  Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New 
Mexico,  and  Oklahoma  each  elect  six  delegates  and  six  alternate  delegates, 
and  that  Alaska  elect  four  delegates  and  four  alternate  delegates,  and  the 
admission  of  such  additional  delegates  to  the  Convention  is  hereby  recom 
mended. 

All  notices  of  contest  shall  be  submitted  in  writing,  accompanied  by  a 
printed  statement  setting  forth  the  grounds  of  contest,  which  shall  be  filed 
with  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Committee  twenty  days  prior  to  the 
meeting  of  the  National  Convention.  Contests  will  be  acted  on  by  the  Na 
tional  Convention  in  the  order  of  the  date  of  filing  of  notice  and  statement 
with  the  Secretary. 

M.  A.  HANNA,  Chairman. 
CHARLES  DICK,  Secretary. 


ADDRESS  OF  CHAIRMAN  OF  NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  COM 
MITTEE. 

MR.  M.  A.  HANNA,  of  Ohio.  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  In  bidding 
you  welcome  I  also  desire  to  extend  congratulations  upon  this  magnificent 
gathering  of  representatives  of  the  great  Republican  party  (applause). 
The  National  Republican  Committee  made  no  mistake  when  they  brought 
the  National  Convention  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  (Applause.)  This  city, 
the  cradle  of  liberty  (applause),  the  birthplace  of  the  Republican  party 
(applause),  this  magnificent  industrial  center,  a  veritable  beehive  of  industry 
— what  fitter  object  lesson  could  be  presented  to  those  of  us  who  gather 
here  to  witness  the  success  of  the  great  principle  of  our  party  which  has 
been  its  foundation—protection  to  American  industries  (applause);  this 
city  which  has  long  and  always  been  known  the  country  over  for  its  un 
bounded  hospitality  and  the  superb  management  of  all  great  functions 
which  have  come  within  its  limits  (applause).  On  the  part  of  the  National 
Committee  I  desire  to  extend  sincere  thanks  to  the  people  of  Philadel 
phia,  and  especially  to  your  honorable  Mayor  (applause)  and  the  loyal 
citizens,  who,  without  regard  to  party,  have  labored  with  him  to  make  this 
Convention  a  success.  Never  in  the  history  of  conventions  of  either  po 
litical  party  has  success  been  greater. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  33 

Delegates,  I  greet  you  on  the  anniversary  in  Philadelphia  of  the  birth 
day  of  our  party  (applause).  I  need  not  remind  you  that  your  duty  here 
is  one  of  deliberate  judgment,  one  for  which  you  will  be  held  responsible 
not  only  by  your  party,  but  by  the  country.  We  are  called  together  once 
more  upon  the  eve  of  another  great  struggle.  We  are  now  beginning  to 
form  our  battalions  under  the  leadership  of  our  great  statesman-general, 
William  McKinley  (great  applause).  I  was  about  to  give  the  order  for 
those  battalions  to  move,  but  you  interrupted  me  (laughter).  It  needs  no 
order  to  Republicans  when  they  scent  from  afar  the  smoke  of  battle.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  tell  the  men  who  sit  in  front  of  me  what  their  duty  is. 

Before  I  lay  aside  my  gavel  and  retire  from  the  position  I  have  held  for 
four  years  as  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  I  desire  in 
this  presence,  in  the  most  public  manner,  to  return  my  sincere  thanks  to 
every  member  of  this  splendid  Committee  who  stood  by  me  in  the  struggle 
of  1896  (applause),  and  especially  to  that  coterie  who  gathered  at  the  head 
quarters  in  New  York  and  Chicago  and  worked  from  early  morn  till  late 
at  night  for  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  for  the  welfare  of 
their  country.  I  leave  it  in  the  hands  of  others  to  tell  you  what  that  meant, 
but  in  passing  to  others  those  duties,  I  want  to  make  one  suggestion — 
always  trust  the  people.  (Applause.)  I  want  them  to  use  as  the  motto  of 
the  Committee  of  1896:  "There  is  no  such  word  as  fail."  (Applause.) 
plause.) 

And  now,  gentlemen,  it  becomes  my  duty  and  very  great  pleasure  to 
present  as  your  temporary  chairman  Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado.  (Ap 
plause.) 

MR.  CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that 
the  recommendation  of  the  National  Republican  Committee  in  respect  of 
the  selection  of  a  temporary  chairman  be  approved. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

MR.  HANNA,  of  Ohio.  Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  have  the  honor 
to  present  to  you  as  the  temporary  presiding  officer  of  the  convention,  Hon. 
Edward  O.  Wolcott,  of  Colorado  (applause). 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  (HoN.  E.  O.  WOLCOTT,  of  Colorado.)  Gen 
tlemen  of  the  convention.—Since  the  first  party  convention  in  these  United 
States,  there  was  never  one  gathered  together  under  such  hopeful  and  aus 
picious  circumstances  as  those  which  surround  us  to-day.  United,  proud 
of  the  achievements  of  the  past  four  years,  our  country  prosperous  and  hap 
py,  with  nothing  to  regret  and  naught  to  make  us  ashamed,  with  a  record 
spotless  and  clean,  the  Republican  party  stands  facing  the  dawn,  confident 
3 


34  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

that  the  ticket  it  shall  present  will  command  public  approval,  and  that  in 
the  declaration  of  its  principles  and  its  purposes,  it  will  voice  the  aspirations 
and  hopes  of  the  vast  majority  of  American  freemen  (applause). 

We  need  "no  omen  but  our  country's  cause;"  yet  there  is  a  significance 
in  the  fact  that  the  convention  is  assembled  in  this  historic  and  beautiful 
city,  where  we  first  assumed  territorial  responsibilities,  when  our  fathers, 
a  century  and  a  quarter  ago,  promulgated  the  immortal  Declaration  of  In 
dependence. 

The  spirit  of  justice  and  liberty  that  animated  them  found  voice  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  later  in  this  same  City  of  Brotherly  Love,  when  Fre 
mont  led  the  forlorn  hope  of  united  patriots  who  laid  here  the  foundations 
of  our  party  and  put  human  freedom  as  its  corner  stone  (applause).  It 
compelled  our  ears  to  listen  to  the  cry  of  suffering  across  the  shallow 
waters  of  the  Gulf  two  years  ago.  While  we  observe  the  law  of  nations 
and  maintain  that  neutrality  which  we  owe  to  a  great  and  friendly  gov 
ernment,  the  same  spirit  lives  to-day  in  the  genuine  feeling  of  sympathy 
we  cherish  for  the  brave  men  now  fighting  for  their  homes  in  the  veldts 
of  South  Africa.  It  prompts  us  in  our  determination  to  give  to  the  dusky 
races  of  the  Philippines  the  blessings  of  good  government  and  republican 
institutions,  and  finds  voice  in  our  indignant  protest  against  the  violent 
suppression  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  man  in  the  South  (applause).  That 
spirit  will  survive  in  the  breasts  of  patriotic  men  as  long  as  the  Nation  en 
dures;  and  the  events  of  the  past  have  taught  us  that  it  can  find  its  fair  and 
free  and  full  expression  only  in  the  principles  and  policy  of  the  Republican 
party. 

••  The  first  and  pleasant  duty  of  this  great  convention,  as  well  as  its  instinc 
tive  impulse,  is  to  send  a  message  of  affectionate  greeting  to  our  Leader 
and  our  country's  President,  William   McKinley,    (applause).     In  all  that 
pertains   to   our   welfare    in   times   of   peace,    his   genius   has    directed   us. 
He  has  shown  an  unerring  mastery  of  the  economic  problems  which  con 
front  us,  and  has  guided  us  out  of  the  slough  of  financial  disaster,  im 
paired  credit  and  commercial  stagnation,  up  to  the  high  and  safe  ground  of 
National  prosperity  and  financial   stability   (applause).     Through  the   deli 
cate  and  trying  events  of  the  late  war  he  stood  firm,  courageous  and  con 
servative,  and  under  his  leadership  we  have  emerged  triumphant,  our  Na 
tional  honor  untarnished,  our  credit  unassailed,  and  the  equal  devotion  of 
every  section  of  our  common  country  to  the  welfare  of  the  Republic  ce 
mented  forever  (applause).     Never  in  the  memory  of  this  generation  has 
there  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Government  a  truer  patriot,  a  wiser  or  more 
courageous  leader,   or  a  better  example  of  the  highest  type  of  American 
manhood    (applause).     The   victories   of   Peace   and  the   victories   of  War 
are  alike  inscribed  upon  his  banner  (applause).     Those  of  us  whose  pleasure 
and  whose  duty  have  called  us  from  time  to  time  into  his  presence,  know 
how  freely  he  has  spent  and  been  spent  in  his  country's  service;  but  the 
same  vigorous  manhood  and  clear  and  patriotic  vision  animate  him  as  of 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  35 

old,  and  give  us  confidence  and  trust  for  the  future  of  our  Republic,  be 
cause  his  hand  will  guide  us,  and  his  genius  direct  (applause).    — • 

Four  years  ago  the  Republican  party  at  St.  Louis  named  a  ticket  which 
commanded  the  confidence  and  support  of  the  American  people.  It  bore 
the  names  of  two  eminent  Americans,  each  endeared  by  years  of  loyal  ser 
vice  to  his  country  and  his  party.  No  whisper  of  personal  attack  intruded 
upon  the  National  issues  which  determined  the  contest.  There  was  a 
double  safeguard  for  the  country's  welfare.  Every  true  American  knew 
that  if  in  the  dispensation  of  Providence  our  Leader  should  be  called  from 
his  high  place,  there  stood  beside  him  a  statesman  devoted  and  staunch, 
in  whose  hands  the.  vast  and  weighty  affairs  of  our  country  could  be  well 
and  safely  entrusted.  Had  Garret  Augustus  Hobart  been  spared  to  us 
until  to-day,  the  work  of  this  convention  would  have  been  limited  to  a  cor 
dial  and  unanimous  indorsement  of  the  leaders  of  '96.  Diis  aliter  visum— 
and  when,  a  few  months  ago,  our  dear  Vice-President  left  this  sphere  of 
usefulness  for  another,  he  was  accompanied  with  the  tears  and  sorrow  of 
every  lover  of  his  country.  He  distinctly  lifted  up  the  high  office  of  Vice- 
President  to  a  nobler  plane  and  to  greater  dignity  and  importance.  He  was 
always  the  trusted  friend  and  adviser  of  our  President,  sage  in  counsel 
and  wise  in  judgment;  while  to  those  of  us  whose  great  privilege  it  was 
for  three  years  to  see  him  daily  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
come  under  the  influence  of  his  calm  and  kindly  presence,  and  to  grow 
nearer  to  him  and  more  endeared  in  friendship  as  the  months  rolled  around, 
his  loss  is  personal  and  deep.  He  is  no  longer  with  us  in  the  body,  but  his 
influence  still  permeates  the  Senate  and  will  for  all  time  make  better  and 
kindlier  the  sons  of  men,  and  he  lives  in  the  hearts  he  left  behind. 

"  There  Is 

One  great  society  alone  on  earth— 
The  noble  living  and  the  noble  dead." 

So  many  events  of  great  portent  have  been  crammed  into  the  past  months, 
that  we  are  to  judge  and  measure  the  work  of  this  administration  chiefly 
by  the  occurrences  since  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish  war.  It  is  worth  while 
for  us  to  recall  earlier  days. 

When  Mr.  McKinley  became  President  he  took  the  reins  of  govern 
ment  after  four  years  of  Democratic  administration.  For  the  first  time  in 
more  than  a  generation  Democracy  had  full  sway,  with  both  Houses  of 
Congress  in  party  accord  with  the  Executive.  No  summary  of  the  unmer 
ciful  disasters  of  those  four  years  can  convey  an  idea  of  a  tithe  of  the  ruin 
they  wrought. 

In  the  four  years  preceding  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration  we  had  paid 
two  hundred  and  sixty  millions  of  the  National  debt;  he  added  two  hundred 
and  thirty  millions  to  its  burdens.  He  found  a  tariff  act,  bearing  the  name 
of  his  successor  and  our  President,  fitted  to  meet  the  requirements  of  our 
necessary  expenditures,  to  furnish  the  needed  protection  to  our  farmers 


36 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


and  manufacturers,  and  to  insure  the  steady  and  remunerative  employment 
of  those  who  labor.  Instead  of  permitting  manufacture  and  commerce  that 
repose  and  stability  of  law  which  are  essential  for  working  out  economic 
conditions,  he  at  once  recommended  violent  and  radical  changes  in  rev 
enue  and  tariff  provisions,  recommendations  which  his  party  in  Congress 
proceeded  partially  and  disastrously  to  execute.  The  appalling  result  of 
his  policy  is  still  fresh  in  the  memory  of  millions  who  suffered  from  it.  In 
four  years  the  country  witnessed  some  60,000  commercial  failures,  with 
liabilities  aggregating  more  than  nine  hundred  million  dollars.  One  hun 
dred  and  seventy-seven  railroads,  with  a  mileage  of  45,000  miles,  or  twice  the 
circle  of  the  globe,  and  with  securities  amounting  to  nearly  three  billion 
dollars,  were  unable  to  meet  their  interest  charges  and  passed  into  the 
hands  of  receivers.  More  than  170  national  banks  closed  their  doors,  with 
liabilities  reaching  seventy  millions;  wool  and  all  farm  products  which  tariffs 
could  affect,  lost  tens  of  millions  in  value;  farm  mortgages  were  foreclosed 
by  thousands  throughout  the  great  West;  our  agricultural  exports  shrunk 
in  value;  the  balance  of  trade  which  had  been  in  our  favor  turned  ruinously 
against  us;  the  National  Treasury  was  depleted  of  its  gold  reserve;  our 
Government  bonds  were  sold  to  syndicates  at  far  below  their  market  value 
before  or  since,  and  our  steadily  declining  revenues  were  insufficient  to  meet 
the  necessary  expenses  of  conducting  the  Government.  If  capital  alone  had 
suffered,  the  loss  would  have  been  great,  but  not  irremediable.  Unfortu 
nately  those  who  rely  upon  their  daily  labor  for  their  sustenance,  and 
their  families  dependent  upon  them,  constituting  the  great  mass  of  the 
American  people,  were  made  to  feel  heaviest  the  burden  of  disaster. 
Nearly  one-third  of  the  laboring  population  of  the  United  States  were 
thrown  out  of  employment,  and  men  by  thousands,  able  and  willing  to 
labor,  walked  the  highways  of  the  land  clamoring  for  work  or  food. 

Four  years  of  commercial  misfortune  enabled  our  industries  to  meet, 
in  a  measure,  these  changed  and  depressed  conditions,  but  when  President 
McKinley  was  inaugurated  the  country  was  in  a  state  more  deplorable 
than  had  existed  for  a  generation. 

Facing  these  difficulties,  the  President  immediately  upon  his  inaugura 
tion  convened  Congress  in  extra  session,  and  in  a  message  of  force  and  lu 
cidity  summarized  the  legislation  essential  to  our  National  prosperity.  The 
industrial  history  of  the  United  States  for  the  past  four  years  is  the  tribute 
to  the  wisdom  of  his  judgment.  (Applause.)  It  is  quickly  epitomized. 

The  tariff  measure  under  which  we  are  now  conducting  business  was 
preceded  by  an  unusual  volume  of  importations  based  upon  common  know 
ledge  that  certain  duties  were  to  be  raised;  the  bill  met  the  popular  demand 
that  duties  on  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life  should  be  lowered  and  not 
raised;  advances  in  invention  and  new  trade  conditions  made  it  unnecessary 
and  unwise  to  revert  to  the  higher  tariff  provisions  of  the  law  of  1890;  the 
increases  in  the  revenue  provisions  were  slight.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all 
these  facts,  tending  to  reduce  income,  the  revenues  from  the  Dingley  Bill 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  37 

marched  steadily  upwards,  until  soon  our  normal  income  exceeded  our  nor 
mal  expenditure,  and  we  passed  from  a  condition  of  threatened  insolvency 
to  one  of  National  solvency.  (Applause.) 

This  tells  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  story.  Under  the  wise  provisions 
of  our  tariff  laws  and  the  encouragement  afforded  to  capital  by  a  renewal 
of  public  confidence,  trade  commenced  to  revive.  The  looms  were  no 
longer  silent  and  the  mills  deserted;  railway  earnings  increased,  merchants 
and  banks  resumed  business,  labor  found  employment  at  fair  wages,  our 
exports  increased,  and  the  sunshine  of  hope  again  illumined  the  land. 
The  figures  that  illustrate  the  growing  prosperity  of  the  four  years  of  Re 
publican  administration  well  nigh  stagger  belief.  There  is  not  an  idle  mill 
in  the  country  to-day.  The  mortgages  on  Western  farms  have  been  paid 
by  the  tens  of  thousands,  and  our  farmers  are  contented  and  prosperous. 
Our  exports  have  reached  enormous  figures;  for  the  last  twelve  months 
our  exports  of  merchandise  will  exceed  our  imports  by  five  hundred  and 
fifty  million  dollars.  Our  manufactured  articles  are  finding  a  market  all 
over  the  world  and  in  constantly  increasing  volume.  We  are  rapidly  tak 
ing  our  place  as  one  of  the  great  creditor  nations  of  the  world.  Above 
and  beyond  all,  there  is  no  man  who  labors  with  his  hands,  in  all  our  broad 
domain,  who  cannot  find  work,  and  the  scale  of  wages  was  never  in  our  his 
tory  so  high  as  now.  (Applause.) 

Passing  over,  for  the  moment,  the  events  associated  with  the  war,  let 
me  refer  briefly  to  other  legislation  of  the  past  four  years. 

We  passed  a  National  Bankrupt  Act,  a  measure  rendered  essential  by 
four  years  of  Democratic  rule,  and  under  its  beneficent  provisions,  thou 
sands  of  honest  men  who  were  engulfed  in  disaster  because  of  the  blight  of 
the  Democratic  policy,  are  again  enabled  to  transact  business  and  share 
the  blessings  of  Republican  prosperity.  (Applause.) 

For  half  a  century  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  a  menace  to  the  long  line  of 
coast  which  skirts  our  Pacific  slope,  have  been  knocking  for  admission  as 
part  of  our  territory,  and  during  that  period  the  publicly  expressed  opin 
ion  of  both  political  parties  favored  their  annexation.  Four  times  have  they 
been  occupied  by  European  powers,  and  so  often  have  we  compelled  their 
abandonment  because  it  was  essential  that  they  should  never  be  occupied 
by  any  foreign  power.  Finally,  after  years  of  misgovernment  by  native 
rulers,  the  gallant  descendants  of  American  merchants  and  missionaries 
made  proffer  again  of  these  valuable  possessions  to  this  country,  asking 
only  to  come  under  our  flag  and  dominion.  A  Democratic  President  re 
pudiated  the  offer,  and  sought  to  assist  in  restoring  the  former  corrupt 
and  oppressive  ruler.  It  was  left  for  this  administration  to  make  them 
a*  part  of  American  territory.  (Applause.)  They  are  on  the  way  to  our 
islands  in  the  Southern  seas;  every  instinct  of  self-protection  should  have 
prompted  our  quick  acceptance  of  their  sovereignty,  and  yet  they  were  ac 
quired  in  spite  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  almost  every  Democrat  in  Con 
gress. 


38  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

During  the  last  administration  an  offer  of  settlement  was  made  to  the 
Pacific  railroads  which  would  have  brought  us  forty-two  million  dollars 
out  of  the  seventy  million  dollars  due  us  in  principal  and  interest.  Presi 
dent  McKinley,  refusing  to  consider  as  binding  the  former  offer,  and  act 
ing  within  the  authority  of  Congress,  collected  every  dollar  both  of  prin 
cipal  and  interest  due  from  the  Union  Pacific  Company,  and  the  principal 
of  the  debt  due  from  the  Kansas  Pacific.  (Applause.)  We  saved  more 
than  twenty  million  dollars  over  the  offer  of  settlement  made  by  Mr.  Cleve 
land,  and  have  collected  all  of  the  principal  and  most  of  the  interest  due 
us.  (Applause.)  Thus  was  this  transaction  closed,  and  it  has  since  been 
followed  by  a  settlement  of  the  debt  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad,  call 
ing  for  every  dollar  of  principal  and  interest  of  the  debt,  amounting  to 
fifty-eight  millions.  More  than  35  years  ago  a  Republican  administra 
tion  lent  the  credit  of  the  country  to  the  building  of  the  great  iron  band 
that  was  to  link  together  the  East  and  the  West,  lent  it  not  in  times  of  peace 
but  when  our  country  was  in  the  throes  of  civil  war.  The  area  to  be  pene 
trated  was  then  unsettled  and  unknown.  It  is  now  a  great  empire,  rich, 
prosperous  and  happy,  and  the  money  of  the  people  which  made  the  high 
way  possible,  has  been  returned  to  them  in  overflowing  measure.  (Ap 
plause.) 

Whenever  a  Republican  administration  is  in  power  there  is  constant  talk 
of  trusts.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  Aggregations  and  combinations 
of  capital  find  their  only  encouragement  in  prosperous  days  and  widening 
commerce.  (Applause.)  Democratic  administration  in  this  country  has 
universally  meant  industrial  stagnation  and  commercial  depression,  when 
capital  seeks  a  hiding  place  instead  of  investment.  The  Republican  party 
has  always  maintained  that  any  combination  having  for  its  purpose  the  cor 
nering  of  a  market  or  the  raising  or  controlling  of  the  price  of  the  nec 
essaries  of  life  was  unlawful  and  should  be  punished  (applause),  and  a  com 
mission  appointed  by  the  President  under  act  of  Congress  has  made  care 
ful  investigation  and  will  soon  present  a  full  report  of  the  best  method  of 
dealing  with  this  intricate  question.  We  shall  meet  it  in  some  efficient 
way  and,  as  a  party,  shall  have  the  courage  to  protect  every  class  of  our 
citizens  (applause).  There  was  never  a  better  time  to  deal  with  it  than 
now,  when  there  is  not  in  this  broad  land  a  man  willing  to  work  who  does 
not  find  employment  at  fair  wages,  and  when  the  clamor  of  the  agitator 
who  seeks  confiscation  and  not  regulation,  falls  on  dead  ears  and  finds  no 
response  from  the  artisans  in  our  busy  workshops.  (Applause.) 

The  campaign  four  years  ago  was  fought  on  the  currency  question.  The 
Populistic  Democracy  insisted  that  the  United  States  alone  should  embark 
on  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  I,  without  waiting  the 
concurrence  of  any  other  nation.  The  Republican  party  insisted  that  the 
question  of  bimetallism  was  international,  and  that  until  it  should  be  settled 
under  agreement  with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  gold 
should  continue'  to  be  the  standard  of  value  in  these  United  States.  Upon 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  39 

that  issue  we  triumphed.  (Applause).  In  accordance  with  the  pledge  of 
the  party  an  honest  effort  was  made  to  reach  some  international  solution  of 
the  question.  The  effort  failed  of  accomplishment.  The  mints  of  the  coun 
tries  of  Europe  were  open  for  the  coinage  of  gold  alone.  The  vast  dis 
coveries  of  Alaska,  South  Africa,  and  the  States  of  our  own  country,  have 
furnished  a  steadily  increasing  volume  of  gold,  and,  with  the  recent  Euro 
pean  action,  have  demonstrated  that  the  question  is  one  calling  for  inter 
national  action  by  all  the  great  countries  of  the  world,  and,  if  ever  entered 
into,  must  be  by  such  concurrent  action  of  the  leading  commercial  nations 
as  shall  secure  permanence  of  relative  value  to  the  two  metals.  Mean 
while  we  follow  the  path  of  safety.  (Applause.)  As  we  grow  year  by  year 
more  firmly  established  as  a  creditor  nation,  the  question  concerns  us  less 
and  other  countries  more.  No  impairment  of  national  credit  can  be  con 
templated  by  an  honorable  nation.  We  have  made  advances  enough;  this 
country  can  better  afford  than  any  other  to  enter  upon  the  contest  for 
commercial  supremacy  with  gold  as  its  standard,  and  for  us  the  time  has 
come  to  give  fair  notice  to  the  world  that  we,  too,  make  gold  our  stan 
dard  and  redeem  our  obligations  in  that  metal.  (Applause.)  For  twelve 
years  the  platforms  of  the  party  have  declared  in  favor  of  the  use  of  gold 
and  silver  as  money.  The  logic  of  recent  events,  together  with  the  at 
tempt  of  the  Democracy  to  drag  down  the  question  from  its  international 
character,  to  associate  it  with  every  vagary  of  Populism  and  Socialism, 
and  to  drive  this  country  to  an  alliance  with  Mexico  and  China,  as  an  ex 
clusively  silver  using  country,  has  impelled  our  people  to  this  settlement  of 
the  problem,  and  the  recent  action  of  Congress  has  eliminated  the  danger 
which  its  further  agitation  menaced.  (Applause.) 

The  provisions  of  the  act  secure  to  the  people  a  needed  increase  in  the 
volume  of  currency,  prevent  the  future  depletion  of  the  gold  in  the 
Treasury,  and  encourage  a  more  extended  use  of  our  bonds  by  the  Na 
tional  Banks  of  the  country.  But,  above  all,  the  success  attending  its  pas 
sage  has  demonstrated  that  our  own  people  and  the  nations  of  Europe 
have  faith  in  the  permanence  of  our  institutions  and  our  financial  integrity. 
(Applause.)  Our  debt  is  funded  at  two  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  millions 
of  our  interest  charge  saved  annually.  The  world  has  never  witnessed  so 
triumphant  a  financial  success  as  has  followed  the  passage  of  the  currency 
law,  and  our  two  per  cent,  bonds,  held  the  world  over,  already  command 
a  substantial  premium.  (Applause.)  Through  the  policy  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  and  the  wisdom  of  a  Republican  administration,  we  have  not 
only  made  stable  and  permanent  our  financial  credit,  at  home  and  abroad, 
are  utilizing  more  silver  as  money  than  ever  before  in  our  history,  but  we 
have  left  the  Populistic  Democracy  a  dead  issue  they  can  never  again  gal 
vanize  into  life,  and  compelled  them  to  seek  to  create  new  issues  growing 
out  of  a  war  which  they  were  most  eager  to  precipitate.  (Applause.) 

May  I,  a  Western  man,  add  another  word?  The  passage  of  this  bill, 
which  received  the  vote  of  every  Western  Republican  in  Congress,  marked 


40  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

the  termination,  forever  final,  of  any  sort  of  difference  between  Republi 
cans  of  the  East  and  of  the  West,  growing  out  of  currency  problems. 
(Applause.)  Even  if  the  stern  logic  of  events  had  not  convinced  us,  our 
deep  and  abiding  loyalty  to  the  principles  of  the  party,  our  belief  that  the 
judgment  of  its  majority  should  govern,  would  lead  us  to  abandon  further 
contention.  And  the  thousands  of  Republicans  in  the  West  who  left  us 
four  years  ago  are  returning  home.  (Applause.)  The  men  of  the  far  West 
are  bone  of  your  bone,  and  flesh  of  your  flesh.  The  sun  that  shines  on  you 
blesses  them  also,  and  the  shadow  before  your  door  darkens  their  homes 
as  well.  They  are  naturally  expansionists  in  the  Western  plains  and  moun 
tains  (applause),  and  when  they  see  a  great  political  party  attacking  the 
integrity  of  the  Nation,  and  lending  encouragement  to  insurrectionists 
who  are  shooting  down  our  soldiers  and  resisting  the  authority  of  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  all  other  questions  fade  and  are  forgotten, 
and  they  find  themselves  standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Republican  party,  keeping  step,  always,  "to  the  music  of  the  Union."  (Ap 
plause.) 

There  is  more  to  follow  this  summary  of  a  few  of  the  leading  measures 
passed  by  a  Republican  Congress  and  approved  by  a  Republican  President. 
Before  the  expiration  of  Mr.  McKinley's  first  term,  we  shall  have  passed  a 
law  relieving  certain  articles  from  a  portion  at  least  of  the  burdens  they  now 
carry  because  of  the  War  Revenue  Act,  and  meanwhile  we  have,  out  of  sur 
plus  revenues,  already  paid  and  called  in  for  cancellation  forty-three  mil 
lion  dollars  of  outstanding  bonds.  The  coming  winter  will  see  enacted  into 
law,  legislation  which  shall  revivify  and  upbuild  our  ocean  merchant  ma 
rine,  and  enable  us  to  compete  on  fair  terms  with  the  subsidized  ships  of 
foreign  nations  which  now  so  largely  monopolize  the  carriage  of  American 
goods.  (Applause.)  And  above  all,  we  shall,  having  then  before  us  the 
report  of  the  able  commission  now  ascertaining  the  most  favorable  route, 
pass  a  law  under  which  we  shall  build  and  own  and  operate  as  property 
of  the  United  States,  under  exclusive  American  dominion  and  control,  a 
ship  canal  connecting  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  (Applause.)  Through  it 
in  time  of  peace  the  commerce  of  the  world  shall  pass.  If  we  shall  be  un 
happily  engaged  in  war,  the  canal  shall  carry  our  warships  and  shall  ex 
clude  those  of  the  enemy,  and  under  conditions  which  shall  violate  no 
treaty  stipulations.  (Applause.) 

This  is  the  brief  account  of  our  stewardship  for  four  years.  During  a 
portion  of  that  period  we  were  involved  in  a  war  which  for  a  time  paralyzed 
business  and  commerce,  and  would  have  taxed  heavily  the  resources  and 
credit  of  any  other  country  than  ours;  and  for  the  past  year  or  more 
we  have  been  employing  an  army  of  some  50,000  men  in  suppressing  an 
insurrection  against  our  authority  8,000  miles  away.  No  industry  has  felt 
the  strain  of  these  extraordinary  expenses,  nor  have  they  affected  the 
general  sum  of  our  prosperity.  (Applause.)  More  than  that,  the  con 
ditions  resulting  from  the  legislation  of  the  past  four  years  have  obliterated 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  41 

every  issue  that  was  raised  during  the  last  campaign.  The  Democracy 
having  therefore  to  find  some  rallying  cry,  seek  it  in  the  results  of  our 
late  war  with  Spain,  and  upon  that  question,  as  upon  all  others,  we  stand 
ready  to  meet  them  in  the  open.  (Applause.) 

During  the  weeks  and  months  preceding  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  with 
Spain,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  who  knew  by  personal  experi 
ence  on  many  a  battle-field  something  of  the  horrors  of  war,  and  who 
realized  the  expense  and  suffering  which  war  entailed,  stood  firmly  upon 
the  ground  that  a  peaceful  solution  could  be  found.  And  when  that  awful 
occurrence  took  place  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  and  a  hot  frenzy  of  in 
dignation  swept  over  our  people,  and  a  conflict  seemed  inevitable,  he  faced 
popular  clamor  and  heated  counsels,  and  still  believed  that  the  wrongs 
of  Cuba  could  be  remedied  and  redressed  without  an  appeal  to  the  arbi 
trament  of  war.  (Applause.) 

The  folly  of  Spain  and  the  indignation  of  the  American  people  forbade 
a  peaceful  solution.  Then  the  President,  seconded  by  a  Republican  Con 
gress,  before  a  gun  was  fired,  declared  to  the  world  the  lofty  and  unselfish 
motives  that  alone  actuated  the  nation.  (Applause.)  No  man  now,  or  in 
the  centuries  to  come,  when  History,  which  alone  "triumphs  over  time," 
recounts  the  marvelous  story  of  the  war  which  changed  the  map  of  the 
world,  shall  ever  truthfully  say  that  this  Republic  was  animated  by  any 
but  the  noblest  purposes.  (Applause.)  Recorded  .time  tells  of  no  such 
war,  for  it  was  fought,  with  bloody  sacrifice,  by  a  great  and  free  Republic, 
for  the  freedom  of  another  race,  while  its  own  liberties  were  unassailed. 
(Applause.) 

This  is  not  the  time  or  the  occasion  to  dwell  upon  the  incidents  of  the 
war,  crowded  with  successive  victories  and  illuminated  with  countless 
examples  of  individual  bravery  and  gallant  conduct.  (Applause.)  Its  liv 
ing  heroes  are  honored  by  a  generous  country;  its  dead  have  ennobled 
the  race,  and  will  live  forever  in  the  hearts  of  a  grateful  people.  (Applause.) 
Throughout  all  its  anxious  days  the  President,  Commander-in-Chief  of 
our  armies  and  our  navies,  planned  and  directed  with  unerring  hand.  His 
wise  diplomacy  saved  us  from  threatened  international  complications.  From 
the  commencement  of  hostilities  until  their  close  the  conduct  of  the  war 
was  unassailable,  and  the  paltry  criticisms  of  two  years  ago  are  already 
buried  in  the  limbo  of  oblivion.  (Applause.) 

In  August,  1898,  a  preliminary  protocol  was  executed  at  Washington, 
followed  by  the  sessions  of  the  Peace  Commissioners  of  the  United  States 
and  Spain,  in  Paris,  commencing  in  October  of  that  year.  Public  interest 
in  this  country  concerning  these  negotiations  was  intense.  Until  cur  sol 
diers  and  sailors  had  landed  at  Manila  we  had  known  little  of  the  con 
ditions  of  the  people  of  the  Philippines.  We  soon  ascertained  that  the 
cruelties  and  oppressions  existing  in  Cuba  were  mild  compared  with  the 
treatment  to  which  eight  millions  of  people  in  those  islands  were  sub 
jected.  We  realized  that  if  we  relinquished  the  archipelago  to  Spain  we 


42  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

consigned  its  inhabitants  again  to  a  condition  worse  than  slavery,  worse 
than  barbarism.  We  had  put  our  hands  to  the  plough,  and  every  in 
stinct  of  honor  and  humanity  forbade  us  to  turn  back.  {Applause.)  A 
universal  demand  arose  from  all  over  the  country  that  we  should  retain 
our  hold  upon  these  islands,  afford  their  people  the  protection  of  our  laws, 
lift  them  out  of  their  unfortunate  condition,  and  fit  them,  if  possible,  for 
self-government.  Any  agreement  by  our  Commissioners  to  give  back  the 
Philippines  to  Spain,  reserving  for  ourselves  an  island  or  a  coaling  sta 
tion,  would  have  aroused  a  universal  national  indignation,  and  would  never 
have  been  ratified  by  the  representatives  of  the  people.  (Applause.) 

No  man  saw  this  so  clearly  as  did  the  President.  In  his  advices  to  the 
Commissioners  he  told  them  it  was  imperative  that  we  should  be  governed 
only  by  motives  that  should  exalt  the  nation;  that  territorial  expansion 
was  our  least  concern,  but  that,  whatever  else  was  done,  the  people  of  the 
Philippines  must  be  liberated  from  Spanish  domination;  and  he  reached 
this  view  solely  through  considerations  of  duty  and  humanity.  (Applause.) 
The  American  Commissioners,  men  of  differing  political  faiths,  reached  a 
unanimous  conclusion.  The  Treaty  of  Paris  was  ratified  by  the  vote  of 
two-thirds  of  the  Senate,  and  the  territory  we  acquired  under  it  became 
lawful  and  legal  possessions  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  The  re 
sponsibility  for  the  war  rested  upon  us  all;  the  responsibility  for  the  treaty 
rests  chiefly  upon  the  Republican  party,  and  that  party  avows  the  wisdom 
of  the  treaty  and  declares  it  to  be  the  policy  of  the  party  to  adhere  to 
its  terms  and  to  accept  the  responsibilities  it  imposed.  (Applause.) 

We  assumed  dominion  of  Porto  Rico,  Cuba  and  the  Philippines  for 
reasons  differing  as  to  each  of  them. 

We  took  to  ourselves  the  little  island  of  Porto  Rico  because  it  lay  under 
the  shadow  of  our  own  shores,  and  because  its  continued  occupancy  by 
Spain  or  by  any  foreign  government  would  be  a  constant  menace  to  the 
States  and  to  that  great  inter-oceanic  waterway  which  we  shall  build  and 
own  and  operate  as  an  American  canal.  (Applause.)  We  found  it  im 
poverished  by  years  of  colonial  misgovernment  and  without  any  system 
of  revenue  laws.  Soon  after  the  peace  its  people  were  further  stricken 
by  flood  and  famine.  We  assumed  towards  them  every  obligation  which 
sympathy  and  friendship  could  prompt.  (Applause.)  We  contributed  as 
a  nation  large  sums  of  money  to  ameliorate  their  condition  and  to  enable 
them  to  plant  and  garner  their  crops.  Then  we  said  to  them,  "we  shall 
give  you  a  just  and  equitable  government,  with  power  to  manage  your 
home  affairs.  Until  you  shall  devise  proper  and  efficient  methods  of  reve 
nue  and  taxation,  your  needed  funds  shall  be  raised  as  follows:  You  shall 
pay  upon  your  imports  15  per  cent,  of  the  present  tariff  rate  governing 
importations  into  the  United  States,  which  means  an  average  duty  of 
about  7  per  cent.  All  the  necessaries  of  life  and  building  materials  for 
the  structures  you  need  shall  be  free.  On  the  1st  day  of  March,  1902, 
all  these  duties  shall  cease  in  any  event,  and  shall  cease  sooner  if  before 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  43 

that  time  you  can  arrange  for  the  needed  revenues  of  the  island."  (Ap 
plause.) 

The  recommendations  of  the  President  were  fully  and  satisfactorily  com 
plied  with;  the  people  of  the  island  are  content,  the  vast  mass  of  the 
American  people  approve,  and  we  have  avoided  precedents  that  might  vex 
us  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the  problems  that  finally  await  us  in  the 
establishment  of  our  permanent  relations  towards  the  people  of  the  Philip 
pine  Islands.  (Applause.) 

There  has  been  much  discussion  during  the  past  few  months  in  respect 
to  the  extent  of  the  power  of  this  country  to  deal  with  Porto  Rico  and  our 
other  possessions,  and  it  has  been  frequently  contended  by  the  Democracy 
that  as  soon  as  we  became  the  owners  of  any  of  these  islands  the  Con 
stitution  cf  the  United  States  at  once  extended  over  them,  or  in  the 
oratorical  but  misleading  phrase,  "The  Constitution  follows  the  Flag." 
The  argument  is  specious,  but  it  will  not  bear  investigation.  The  same 
question  was  raised  in  1803,  at  the  time  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  and 
the  doctrine  was  then  established  by  Congress  that  we  could  acquire  for 
eign  soil  by  purchase,  that  Congress  had  the  right  to  establish  there 
such  government  as  it  saw  fit,  and  that  the  Constitution  did  not  of  its 
own  force  extend  over  such  territory.  The  doctrine  was  never  questioned 
until  in  Calhoun's  time  it  was  sought  to  be  denied  in  the  effort  to  extend 
human  slavery  into  the  territories. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  more  than  once  determined 
the  question,  and  the  contention  concerning  it  now  by  our  opponents  is 
not  because  anybody  believes  that  the  laws  we  have  enacted  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  island  are  unjust,  but  in  order  to  embarrass  the  adminis 
tration  in  dealing  effectively  with  our  new  possessions.  (Applause) 
The  flag  went  to  Mexico  in  1848,  the  Constitution  did  not.  The 
flag  went  to  Cuba  and  was  carried  into  Santiago,  and  is  there  yet.  (Ap 
plause.)  But  our  Constitution  not  only  is  not  there,  but  we  are  busy 
encouraging  Cuba  to  prepare  a  constitution  of  her  own.  When  any  por 
tion  of  our  territory  becomes  a  sovereign  State,  then  is  our  Constitution 
its  cornerstone.  In  the  territory  of  the  United  States  not  included  within 
State  boundaries  Congress  alone  determines  the  extent  to  which  the  pro 
visions  of  the  Constitution  extend. 

The  circumstances  associated  with  our  possession  of  Cuba  are  new  and 
unparalleled  in  the  history  of  conquests.  The  cruelties  practiced  upon  its 
people  induced  the  war.  Before  we  commenced  hostile  proceedings,  how 
ever,  and  that  the  world  might  know  that  our  hands  were  clean  and  that 
we  were  not  animated  by  lust  for  territory,  we  solemnly  disclaimed  any 
disposition  or  intention  to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction,  or  control 
over  the  island  except  for  its  pacification,  and  asserted  our  determination, 
when  that  was  accomplished,  to  leave  the  government  and  control  of  the 
island  to  its  people.  (Applause.)  To  this  declaration  we  still  rigorously 
adhere.  (Applause.) 


44  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

When  we  took  possession  at  the  close  of  the  war  we  found  the  condi 
tions  existing  in  Cuba  to  be  deplorable.  Under  the  conservative  and  wise 
management  of  Generals  Brooke  and  Wood  vast  improvements  have  been 
effected,  and  we  have  given  the  people  the  first  good  government  they 
have  ever  known.  We  found  its  cities  beds  of  pestilence.  We  have  stamped 
out  yellow  fever  and  made  Havana  as  healthy  a  city  as  exists  at  that  lati 
tude.  We  took  its  starving  reconcentrados  who  had  survived  the  war, 
and  its  other  poverty-stricken  people,  and  fed  and  clothed  them.  We  or 
ganized  a  public  school  system,  and  have  everywhere  established  law  and 
order.  (Applause.)  This  had  first  to  be  done.  Then  followed  a  com 
pliance  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty  which  gave  the  Spanish  inhabitants  until 
April  nth  to  determine  whether  or  not  they  would  register  as  citizens 
or  preserve  their  allegiance  to  Spain.  Meanwhile  a  careful  census  of  the 
island  was  made.  Then  came  the  fixing  of  the  qualifications  for  the  right 
of  suffrage,  which  were  fairly  bestowed.  The  island  was  divided  into 
municipalities  and  the  registration  provided  for.  And  on  yesterday,  the 
i8th  of  June,  municipal  elections  were  held  all  through  the  island,  as  the 
first  and  preliminary  step  towards  the  establishment  of  a  national  govern 
ment  and  the  adoption  of  a  constitution.  (Applause.) 

And  in  this  connection  it  is  fitting  to  say  that  the  peculations  and  frauds 
committed  in  Cuba  by  subordinate  officials  have  made  every  American 
blush  with  shame,  and  until  the  last  of  the  guilty  men  is  arrested  and 
convicted  and  sentenced  that  shame  will  know  no  abatement.  (Applause.) 
It  is  no  more  to  be  charged  to  the  party  than  would  a  theft  by  a  trusted 
employee  be  charged  against  the  character  of  the  merchant  who  employed 
him.  (Applause.)  The  party  that  shields  and  protects  dishonest  officials 
forfeits  public  confidence,  not  the  part}'  that  exposes  and  punishes  them. 
(Applause.)  The  Republican  party  has  been  rarely  the  victim  of  misplaced 
confidence  in  its  officials.  In  this  instance  the  appointments  were  made 
with  the  greatest  care,  many  of  them  from  the  classified  service.  When 
ever  fraud  has  been  discovered  the  guilty  have  been  pursued  unsparingly 
and  with  the  greatest  publicity.  (Applause.)  So  has  it  been  with  these 
thieving  Post  Office  officials;  so  has  it  been  always.  In  the  vast  aggregate 
of  business  transacted  by  the  Government  the  dishonest  man  is  rare,  and 
his  detection  certain.  The  great  humiliation  is  that  the  thefts  were  from 
the  people  of  an  island  towards  whom  we  sustain  a  fiduciary  relation,  and 
whose  confidence  we  ask.  That  this  Government  makes  good  the  loss  is 
not  enough,  and  perhaps  the  lesson  has  not  been  in  vain  if  it  shall  serve 
to  stimulate  us  to  even  greater  care  in  dealing  with  these  people  for  whom 
we  have  poured  out  our  blood  and  treasure,  and  whom  we  hope  .some  day 
to  welcome  on  terms  of  closest  friendship  as  citizens  of  a  sister  republic. 
(Applause.) 

We  are  dealing  with  Cuba  in  a  spirit  not  only  of  fairness  but  of  gen 
erosity  and  of  absolute  unselfishness,  and  whenever  the  inhabitants  of  that 
island  evince  and  declare  their  ability  to  take  over  its  government  and 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  45 

control,  that  day  they  shall  receive  it;  and  until  then  we  shall  continue 
to  administer  its  affairs  under  a  rule  salutary  and  satisfactory  to  all  good 
citizens  in  Cuba,  and  creditable  to  the  administration  at  Washington  under 
whose  orders  the  government  is  conducted.  (Applause.) 

Had  there  been,  fellow-citizens,  no  war  with  Spain  this  Republic,  in 
clined  by  principle  and  instinct  and  tradition  to  peaceful  ways,  would  have 
continued  the  development  of  our  National  resources  and  character  within 
its  existing  borders,  content  in  the  future,  as  throughout  the  century  just 
ending,  with  that  path  of  National  duty.  We  are  not  a  warlike  or  a  quar 
relsome  people.  We  have  never  coveted  the  possessions  of  foreign  prin 
cipalities,  and  land  lust  is  unknown  among  us.  We  would  fight  to  the 
death  to  protect  that  which  is  rightfully  ours;  to  avenge  a  wrong  sought 
to  be  perpetuated  upon  us,  and  to  guard  this  hemisphere  from  any  attempt 
by  foreign  powers  to  further  extend  their  rule  over  its  soil.  (Applause.) 
This  has  been  our  creed,  and  we  have  looked  forward  with  hope  and 
confidence  to  the  time  when  these  United  States,  lying  between  the  two 
oceans,  should  lead  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  not  by  right  of  the 
sword,  but  because  the  character  and  high  intelligence  of  our  people,  and 
the  marvelous  resources  of  our  country,  would  enable  us,  in  the  peaceful 
rivalry  of  commerce,  to  dominate  eventually  the  markets  of  the  world. 
(Applause.)  To  that  end  we  had,  for  more  than  a  hundred  years,  held 
ourselves  aloof  from  foreign  complications,  and  sought  to  make  ourselves 
strong  from  within,  with  no  thought  of  colonial  conquest. 

The  future  of  nations,  however,  like  the  future  of  man,  is  hid  from 
mortal  vision,  and,  no  more  than  man  may  a  nation  choose  its  own  duties. 
When  this  war  ended  and  we  faced  our  victory  in  all  its  completeness,  we 
found  eight  million  people,  living  upon  uncounted  islands,  delivered  into 
our  hands.  Abandonment  of  them  would  be  confession  that  while  the 
oppression  by  Spain  of  a  million  and  a  half  of  Cubans  demanded  our 
armed  interference,  greater  barbarity  and  cruelty  to  millions  of  Filipinos, 
less  able  to  protect  themselves,  was  a  subject  of  no  concern  to  us.  (Ap 
plause.)  No  civilized  nation  in  the  world,  no  Christian  nation,  could  have 
turned  these  people  back  to  Spain.  Our  Commissioners,  when  they  in 
sisted  upon  our  retention  of  the  Philippines,  voiced  the  sentiments  and 
wishes  of  the  American  people;  and  this  nation  has  assumed  with  open 
eyes  and  with  full  realization  of  the  difficulties  which  may  be  encountered, 
the  grave  responsibilities  imposed  upon  us  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris.  (Ap 
plause.) 

We  are  told  that  the  islands  are  rich  in  all  the  products  of  the  tropics, 
in  mineral  wealth,  and  in  the  possibilities  of  their  future  development. 
So  much  the  better.  But  if  they  were  as  barren  as  the  Libyan  desert, 
we  would  have  taken  them  just  the  same.  (Applause.) 

We  have  not  been  there  long,  but  long  enough  to  reach  two  conclu 
sions:  One  is,  that  the  first  thing  we  intend  doing  is  to  suppress  the  Tagal 
insurrection  and  to  establish  law  and  order  throughout  the  archipelago. 


46  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

(Applause.)  That  is  the  first  thing  we  shall  do.  And  the  last,  the  very 
last  thing  we  intend  doing,  is  to  consider,  even  for  a  moment,  the  question 
of  giving  up  or  of  abandoning  those  islands.  (Applause.) 

We  are  actually  owners  of  the  Philippines  by  an  undisputed  and  in 
dubitable  title.  We  are  there  as  the  necessary  and  logical  outcome  of  our 
victory  over  Spain.  There  are  upwards  of  a  thousand  islands  sprinkled 
upon  that  Southern  sea,  peopled  by  more  than  eighty  tribes  of  differing 
race  and  language,  and  having  absolutely  nothing  in  common  with  each 
other.  Most  of  these  tribes  welcome  our  coming  and  are  grateful  for  our  pro 
tection.  The  Tagal  tribe,  hostile  not  only  to  us  but  to  most  of  the  native 
tribes,  are  in  insurrection  against  our  authority.  They  have  neither  a  gov 
ernment  nor  the  capacity  to  conduct  one,  and  are  waging  a  predatory 
guerilla  warfare  which  would  be  turned  against  the  other  native  tribes  if 
we  let  them  alone.  What  would  the  Democracy  have  us  do?  Give  them 
up  to  rapine  and  bloodshed,  and  leave  the  islands  as  flotsam  and  jetsam 
on  the  face  of  the  waters? 

There  are  parallels  in  our  own  history.  For  five  millions  of  dollars, 
and  other  valuable  considerations  we  purchased  Florida  from  Spain  in 
1821,  when  it  had  four  thousand  white  settlers.  The  Seminoles,  natives 
of  the  soil,  brave,  resolute,  having  far  greater  intelligence  and  character 
than  the  Tagals,  disputed  our  possession.  We  sent  Andrew  Jackson  down 
to  fight  them,  and  it  took  us  twenty-one  years  to  subdue  them  and  send 
what  was  left  of  them  west  of  the  Mississippi.  If  the  "Anti-everythings" 
had  lived  then,  they  would,  I  suppose,  have  urged  us  to  turn  over  Florida 
to  Osceola,  the  Aguinaldo  of  the  Seminoles!  (Laughter.)  Would  you, 
after  the  war  with  Mexico  and  the  Gadsden  purchase  have  given  the  great 
area  south  and  west  of  the  Arkansas  to  the  red  Apache?  Not  so  did  our 
fathers  construe  their  duty,  and  as  they  built,  so  shall  we  their  sons.  (Ap 
plause.) 

The  insurrection  against  our  legitimate  authority,  which,  for  the  time, 
impedes  our  efforts  to  establish  a  government  for  the  Filipinos,  involves 
us  in  a  sacrifice  of  lives  and  of  treasure.  The  difficulties  we  encounter 
in  the  island  of  Luzon  are  many,  but  the  chief  inspiration  and  encouragement 
of  the  Tagal  insurrection  come  from  the  Democratic  headquarters  in  the 
United  States.  (Applause.)  Partisanship  has  proved  stronger  than  pa 
triotism,  even  while  our  soldiers  are  being  murdered  by  marauding  ban 
dits,  and  if  it  were  not  for  the  hope  held  out  to  Aguinaldo  by  American 
sympathizers,  the  insurrection  in  the  Philippines  would  long  ago  have 
ended.  (Applause.) 

The  obstacles  to  the  establishment  of  a  civil  government  in  the  islands 
are  many,  but  we  shall  overcome  them.  (Applause.)  Mistakes  will  un 
doubtedly  be  made,  but  we  shall  remedy  them.  We  shall  in  time  extend 
over  that  archipelago  the  aegis  of  our  protection  and  of  free  government, 
and  we  shall  gradually,  but  surely,  lift  these  alien  and  savage  races 
into  the  light  of  civilization  and  Christianity.  (Applause.)  Meanwhile, 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


(7 


American  enterprise  and  ingenuity  and  push  may  be  depended  upon  to 
develop  the  resources  of  the  islands,  and  to  make  them  an  added  source 
of  wealth  to  our  country.  The  wise  statesmanship  of  the  President  and 
our  able  Secretary  of  State  has  already  brought  from  the  countries  of 
Europe  a  recognition  of  our  right  to  share  in  the  vast  commercial  advan 
tages  which  will  follow  the  opening  of  the  Chinese  Empire  to  foreign  trade; 
the  Nicaraguan  Canal  will  be  soon  constructed;  Hawaii,  with  its  valuable 
harbor,  is  ours;  we  possess  the  best  of  the  Samoan  Islands,  with  its  mag 
nificent  roadway;  the  Philippines  are  almost  at  the  door  of  China,  and  if 
counsels  of  fear  do  not  prevail,  this  generation  will  see  the  American  Na 
tion  girdling  half  the  globe  with  its  flag,  extending  its  foreign  commerce 
to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth,  and  taking  its  place  among  the  great 
world-nations,  a  power  for  good,  for  peace,  and  for  righteousness.  (Ap 
plause.) 

Never  since  1864,  when  the  voters  of  the  country  were  called  upon  to 
determine  whether  the  efforts  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  preserve  the  Union 
should  be  continued  or  whether  they  should  be  abandoned  and  other  meas 
ures  attempted,  have  questions  so  vital  been  presented  to  the  American 
people  for  settlement.  Their  decision  must  determine  the  maintenance 
or  the  degradation  both  of  our  National  credit  and  our  National  honor. 
A  Democratic  President  could  paralyze  the  operation  of  the  new  currency 
law  as  effectively  as  if  it  were  wiped  from  our  statute  books.  A  Democratic 
victory  would  infuse  new  life  into  the  Tagal  insurrection,  cost  us  the  lives 
of  thousands  of  our  gallant  army  in  the  Philippines,  impair  or  destroy  our 
prestige,  if  not  our  power,  in  the  islands,  make  us  a  byword  among  the 
other  great  nations  of  the  world,  and  obliterate  our  influence  in  the  settle 
ment  of  the  vital  questions  certain  to  arise  when  China  shall  be  opened  to 
foreign  commerce.  (Applause.) 

There  is  little  room  for  fear.  The  farmer  and  the  artisan  in  their  day  of 
prosperity  still  remember  the  impoverishment  and  blight  of  Democracy, 
and  the  Chicago  platform  has  no  allurements  for  them.  (Applause.)  Our 
National  honor  is  equally  secure. 

The  American  people  are  neither  poltroons  nor  pessimists,  and  they  will 
not  signalize  the  dawn  of  the  new  century  by  the  surrender  of  either  con 
victions  or  territory.  (Applause.)  fEvery  soldier  back  from  the  islands 
and  they  are  in  almost  every  hamlet  in  the  land,  returns  an  advocate  of 
theif  retention.  Our  dead  are  buried  along  the  sands  of  Luzon,  and  on  its 
soil  no  foreign  flag  shall  ever  salute  the  dawn.  J  (Applause.) 

Whatever  may  be  in  store  for  us  in  the  new  and  unbeaten  track  upon 
which  we  are  entering,  we  shall  not  be  found  "with  the  unlit  lamp  and  the 
ungirt  loin."  (Applause.)  Our  way  is  new,  but  it  is  not  dark.  In  the 
readjustment  of  world-conditions,  where  we  must  take  our  place  with  the 
other  great  nations  of  the  earth,  we  shall  move  with  caution,  but  not  with 
fear.  We  seek  only  to  lift  up  men  to  better  things,  to  bless  and  not  to 
destroy.  (Applause.)  The  fathers  of  the  Republic  accepted  with  courage 


48  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

such  responsibilities  as  devolved  upon  them.  The  same  heavens  bend  over 
us,  and  the  same  Power  that  shielded  them  will  guard  and  protect  us,  for 
what  we  seek  is  to  build  still  more  firmly,  always  upon  foundations  of 
probity  and  of  virtue,  the  glorious  edifice  of  the  Republic.  (Applause.) 

We  stand  at  the  dawn  of  the  new  century.  Before  it  shall  have  reached 
its  meridian  the  youngest  here  will  have  passed  beyond  this  life  or  beyond 
the  sphere  of  usefulness.  New  recruits  will  step  into  the  ranks  as  we  fall 
out.  This  very  year  thousands  of  young  men  will  for  the  first  time  exer 
cise  the  right  of  citizenship  and  cast  their  ballots  at  the  National  election. 
The  safety  of  this  Republic  must  ever  rest  in  ''the  courage  of  young  hearts 
and  the  vigor  of  a  noble  manhood."  Youth  is  buoyant  and  hopeful.  No 
snarling  criticism,  or  gospel  of  a  little  America,  or  prophecy  of  despair, 
will  find  response  from  hearts  that  beat  full  and  strong  with  courage  and 
with  faith,  and  whose  creed  it  is  that 

"  God  's  in  His  heaven, 

All 's  right  with  the  world." 

Whatever  else  in  the  past  has  suffered  change  or  decay,  the  Republican 
party,  which  for  forty  years  has  been  identified  with  everything  ennobling 
and  uplifting  in  our  history,  was  never  so  vital,  so  virile,  and  so  vigorous 
as  to-day.  (Applause.)  And  the  heritage  we  shall  transmit  to  the  new 
century,  to  the  coming  generation  and  to  their  children,  and  to  their 
children's  children,  shall  be  a  record  clean  and  untarnished,  an  unquench 
able  faith  in  free  institutions,  an  unalterable  belief  in  the  patriotism  of  the 
people,  and  an  undying  love  of  liberty  and  of  country.  (Applause.) 

TEMPORARY  OFFICERS. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — By  direction  of  the  National  Committee 
the  chairman  submits  the  following  list  of  temporary  officers: 

Secretary,  Hon.   Charles  W.  Johnson,  of  Minnesota. 

Assistant  Secretaries:  John  R.  Malloy,  of  Ohio;  John  R.  Beam,  of  New 
Jersey;  Lucien  Gray,  of  Illinois;  Gardner  P.  Stickney,  of  Wisconsin;  James 
Francis  Burke,  of  Pennsylvania;  W.  B.  Bauchman,  of  Tennessee;  Warren 
Bigler,  of  Indiana;  John  L.  Royce,  of  Kansas;  F.  S.  Gaylord,  of  Con 
necticut. 

Reading  Clerks:  Dennis  E.  Alward,  Michigan;  E.  L.  Lampson,  Ohio; 
James  H.  Stone,  Michigan. 

Clerk  at  Chairman's  Desk,  Asher  C.  Hinds,  of  Maine. 

Official  Reporter,  Milton  W.  Blumenberg,  of  Illinois. 

Tally  Clerks,  J.  Herbert  Potts,  of  New  Jersey;  George  R.  Butlin,  of 
Nebraska. 

Messenger  to   Chairman,   Griffin  Halstead. 

Messenger  to  Secretary,  Joseph  W.  Young. 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  49 

Mr.  W.  S.  TAYLOR,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman  I  move  that  the  re 
commendations  of  the  National  Republican  Committee  in  the  matter  of 
the  selection  of  a  Secretary,  Assistant  Secretaries,  Official  Reporter,  Read 
ing  Clerks,  etc.,  be  approved  by  the  Convention. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

RULES. 

Mr.  SERENO  E.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  the  reso 
lution  \\hich  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  York  submits 
a  resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  until  a  permanent  organization  is  effected,  this  convention  be  gov 
erned  by  the  rules  of  the  last  Republican  National  Convention. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  WILLIAM  J.  SEWELL,  of  New  Jersey.— I  offer  the  resolution  I  send 
to  the  desk. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  Jersey  offers  a 
resolution,  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  roll  of  States  and  Territories  be  now  called,  and  that  the  Chair 
man  of  each  delegation  announce  the  names  of  the  persons  selected  to  serve  on  the 
several  committees,  as  follows:  Permanent  Organization;  Rules  and  Order  of  Bust- 
ness;  Credentials;  Resolutions. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  reso 
lution  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

The  TEMPORARY   CHAIRMAN. — In  addition  to  the  announcement  by  the  " 
chairman  of  each  delegation,  as  provided  by  the  resolution  just  adopted, 
each  delegation  is  requested  to  send  to  the  desk  in  writing  the  names  of 
the  persons  selected  to  serve  on  the  committees  named  in  the  resolution. 

The  roll  of  States,  etc.,  was  called. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  committees  as  constituted  will  be  an 
nounced. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 
4 


50  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION. 

HON.  CHARLES  H.  GROSVENOR,  of  Ohio,  Chairman. 

Alabama JAMES  T.  PETERSON 

Arkansas   FERDINAND  HAVIS 

California R.  D.  ROBBINS 

Colorado D.  B.  FAIRLEY 

Connecticut  J.  DEMING  PERKINS 

Delaware 

Florida W.  H.  LUCAS 

Georgia M.  C.  PARKER 

Idaho GEORGE  A.  ROBETHAN 

Illinois  JOHN  J.  BROWN 

Indiana   CHARLES  L.  JEWETT 

Iowa WILLIAM  McFARLANE 

Kansas S.  B.  ROHRER 

Kentucky   H.  C.  HOWARD 

Louisiana L.  S.  CLARKE 

Maine   DANIEL  A.  KURD 

Maryland J.  EDWIN  WEBSTER 

Massachusetts EVERETT  C.  BENTON 

Michigan LESLIE  B.  ROBERTSON 

Minnesota E.  A.  WHITFORD 

Mississippi  F.  W.  COLLINS 

Missouri JAMES  E.  BIRNEY 

Montana   C.  W.  GOODALE 

Nebraska H.  RAGATZ 

Nevada R.  L.  FULTON 

New  Hampshire THOS.  N.  HASTINGS 

New  Jersey WM.  S.  HANCOCK 

New  York WM.  C.  WALLACE 

North  Carolina  H.  C.  COWLES 

North  Dakota  H.  L.  HOLMES 

Ohio   CHARLES  H.   GROSVENOR 

Oregon MALCOLM  A.  MOODY 

Pennsylvania JOHN  B.  STEEL 

Rhode  Island FRANK  F.  CARPENTER 

South  Carolina R.  M.  WALLACE 

South  Dakota GEORGE  RICE 

Tennessee ERNEST  COLDWELL 

Texas C.  M.  FERGUSON 

Utah HEBER  M.  WELLS 

Vermont W.  H.  H.  SLACK 

Virginia V.  M.  SOWDER 

Washington   H.  S.  CONNER 

West  Virginia J.  E.  DANA 

Wisconsin H.  A.  LUEDKE 

Wyoming DEFOREST  RICHARDS 

District  of  Columbia DR.  J.  E.  JONES 

Alaska 

Arizona J.  L.  HUBBELL 

Indian  Territory '. E.  J.  FANNIN 

New  Mexico A.  ABEYTIA 

Oklahoma   JOHN  McNEAL 

Hawaii   .,  ...S.   PARKER 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  51 

COMMITTEE  ON  RULES  AND  ORDER  OF  BUSINESS. 

HON.   HENRY   H.   BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania,   Chairman. 

Alabama \V.  F.  AT.DRICH 

Arkansas JOHN  McCLURE 

California N.  D.  RIDEOUT 

Colorado   B.  W.  RITTER 

Connecticut  CH AS.   F.  BROOKER 

Delaware 

Florida  H.  W.  CHANDLER 

Georgia  W.  R.  LEAKIN 

Idaho L.  L.  ORMSBY 

Illinois FREDERICK  H.  SMITH 

Indiana GEORGE  P.  HAYVVOOD 

Iowa J.  C.  MABRY 

Kansas J.  R.  BURROW 

Kentucky R.  P.  ERNST 

Louisiana   B.  F.  O'NEAL 

Maine   GEORGE  A.  MINCHIE 

Maryland T.  MATHEW  BARTLETT 

Massachusetts SAMUEL  W.  McCALL 

Michigan   WM.  McPHERSON,  JR. 

Minnesota H.  F.  BARKER 

Mississippi R.  A.  SIMMONS 

Missouri  . . .  ] CHARLES  G.  BURTON 

Montana TYLER  WORDEN 

Nebraska EUGENE  A.  TUCKER 

Nevada W.  W.  WILLIAMS 

New  York GEO.  W.  ALDRIDGE 

New  Hampshire WM.  C.  CLARKE 

New  Jersey FLAVEL  McGEE 

North  Carolina R.  B.  RUSSELL 

North  Dakota 

Ohio B.  L.  MCELROY 

Oregon   RUFUS  S.   MOORE 

Pennsylvania   HENRY  H.   BINGHAM 

Rhode  Island   CHAS.  N.  CHILD 

South  Carolina   E.  F.   COCHRANE 

South  Dakota M.  P.  BEEBE 

Tennessee   JOHN  E.  McCALL 

Texas M.  M.  RODGERS 

Utah GEORGE  M.  HANSON 

Vermont G.  W.  RANDALL 

Virginia R.  R.  HORNER 

Washington   F.  J.  HAYFIELD 

West  Virginia M.  J.  SIMMS 

Wisconsin SAMUEL  W.  REESE 

Wyoming C.  D.  CLARK 

District  of  Columbia J.  E.  JONES 

Alaska   WILLIAM  GRANT 

Arizona   J.  A.  VAIL 

Indian  Territory C.  L.  LONG 

New  Mexico J.  SANTISTERAN 

Oklahoma   J.  W.  McNEAL 

Hawaii  A.  N.  KEPOIKOI 


52  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

HON.  SERENO  E.  PAYNE,  of  New  York,  Chairman. 

Alabama H.  V.  CASHIN 

Arkansas SID.   B.  REDDING 

California GEORGE  W.  REED 

Colorado JOHN  GRASS 

Connecticut EDWIN  MILNER 

Delaware 

Florida J.  N.  COMBS 

Georgia H.  L.  JOHNS  ON 

Idaho J.   F.  A1LSHIE 

Illinois T.  J.  GOLDEN 

Indiana C.    C.    SHIRLEY 

Iowa M.  J.  TOBIN 

Kansas T.  B.  WALL 

Kentucky GEORGE  DENNY 

Louisiana H.    C.    WARMOUTH 

Maine ALBERT   M.  SPEAR 

Maryland ENOCH   B.  ABELL 

Massachusetts JESSE  M.  GOVE 

Michigan RUSSELL  C.  OSTRANDER 

Minnesota A.  J.  GREER 

Mississippi   WESLEY  CRAYTON 

Missouri CHARLES  L.  MOWDER 

Montana JOHN  F.  FORBES 

Nebraska JOHN  A.  EHRHARDT 

Nevada M.   C.   McMlLLAN 

New  Hampshire JOHN  McLANE 

New  Jersey BARKER  GUMMERE 

New  York SERENO  E.  PAYNE 

North  Carolina E.  C.  DUNCAN 

North  Dakota STEPHEN  COLLINS 

Ohio CHARLES  DICK 

Oregon    WALLACE  McCAMANT 

Pennsylvania A.  S.  L.  SHIELDS 

Rhode  Island RICHARD  THORNLEY 

South  Carolina J.  H.  FORDHAM 

South  Dakota JAMES  HALLEY 

Tennessee W.  P.  BROWNLOW 

Texas H.  C.  FERGUSON  (HAWLEY  by  proxy) 

Utah ARTHUR  BROWN 

Vermont EDWIN  M.  BROWN 

Virginia R.   P.   THORP 

Washington L.  M.  SIMS 

West  Virginia MORRIS  HORKHEIMER 

Wisconsin J.  T.  MURPHY 

Wyoming. , JAY  L.  TORREY 

District  of  Columbia W.  C.  CHASE 

Alaska W.  D.  GRANT 

Arizona FRANK  DYSART 

Indian  Territory C.  M.  CAMPBELL 

New  Mexico F.  A.  HUBBELL 

Oklahoma J.  C.  PRINGEY 

Hawaii   . .  S.   PARKER 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 

COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS. 

HON.  CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana,  Chairman. 

Alabama J.  W.  DIMMICK 

Arkansas CHARLES  N.   RIX 

California CHESTER  ROWELL 

Colorado C.  C.  CAVENDER 

Connecticut WILLIAM   E.   SEELEY 

Delaware 

Florida W.   G.   ROBINSON 

Georgia H.  A.  RUCKER 

Idaho W.  B.  HEYBURN 

Illinois MARTIN  B.  MADDEX 

Indiana CHAS.  W.  FAIRBANKS 

Iowa G.  W.   FRENCH 

Kansas M.  A.  LOWE 

Kentucky W.  S.  TAYLOR 

Louisiana E.  KUNTZ 

Maine FRANKLIN  C.  PAYSON 

Maryland THOMAS  C.  NOYES 

Massachusetts WALTER  CLIFFORD 

Michigan E.   N.  DINGLEY 

Minnesota CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS 

Mississippi JOHN  R.   LYNCH 

Missouri DAVID  P.  DYER 

Montana THOMAS  H.  CARTER 

Nebraska  EDWARD  ROSEWATER 

Nevada OSCAR  J.  SMITH 

New  Hampshire J.   H.  GALLINGER 

New  Jersey FRED.   P.   OLCOTT 

New  York LEMUEL  E.  QUIGG 

North  Carolina CHARLES  McNAMEE 

North  Dakota P.  J.  McCUMBER 

Ohio JOSEPH  B.  FORAKER 

Oregon JOHN  D.  DALY 

Pennsylvania   BOIES  PENROSE 

Rhode  Island CHAS.  H.   BRAYTON 

South  Carolina E.  J.  DICKERSON 

South  Dakota G.  G.  BENNETT 

Tennessee FOSTER  V.  BROWN 

Texas R.  B.  HAWLEY 

Utah GEORGE  SUTHERLAND 

Vermont SEVANT  M.  REED 

Virginia S.  BROWN  ALLEN 

Washington J.   M.   ASHTON 

West  Virginia E.  H.  FLYNN 

Wisconsin J.   B.  TREAT 

Wyoming F.  W.  MONDELL 

District  of  Columbia J.  E.  JONES 

Alaska J.  G.  HEID 

Arizona CHARLES  H.  AKERS 

Indian  Territory A.  F.  PARKINSON 

New  Mexico E.  A.  CAHOON 

Oklahoma J.  R.  TATE 

Hawaii..        A.   N.   KEPOIKOI 


54  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

MEETING  OF  COMMITTEES. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Immediately  after  the  adjournment  to-day 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions  will  meet  in  the  committee  room  in  the  rear 
of  the  stage  of  this  hall;  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  will 
meet  in  another  room  in  the  rear  of  the  stage  of  this  hall;  the  Committee 
on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  will  meet  at  the  National  Committee 
room,  Hotel  Walton;  the  Committee  on  Credentials  will  meet  at  the  Na 
tional  Committee  room,  Hotel  Walton. 

Mr.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON,  of  Illinois. — I  move  that  the  Convention  adjourn 
until  12  o'clock  meridian  to-morrow. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Will  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  withdraw 
his  motion  for  a  moment? 

Mr.  CANNON,  of  Illinois. — Certainly. 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  EDGAR  M.  LEVY,  D.  D. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  desires  to  state  to  the  Conven 
tion  that  there  is  upon  the  platform  the  Rev.  Dr.  Levy,  who  44  years  ago 
to-day  offered  prayer  at  the  Republican  National  Convention.  Tire  Rev.  Dr. 
Levy  will  now  offer  prayer. 

Rev.  Edgar  M.  Levy,  D.  D.,  of  Philadelphia,  offered  the  following  prayer: 

Almighty  God,  our  Heavenly  Father,  how  excellent  is  Thy  name  in  all 
the  earth.  The  whole  world  is  full  of  Thy  glory.  Unto  Thee  do  we  lift 
our  hearts  in  humility,  love  and  praise. 

We  give  Thee  most  hearty  thanks  for  our  personal,  social  and  national 
blessings.  Thou  hast  cast  our  lines  in  pleasant  places  and  given  us  a 
goodly  heritage.  Thou  hast  not  dealt  so  with  any  other  people.  Because 
of  Thy  favor  our  land  is  even  now  smiling  with  fertility  and  beauty;  our 
cities  and  towns  are  rilled  with  the  hum  of  industry,  and  our  country  places 
with  the  songs  of  happy  reapers.  Thou  hast  given  us  wise  rulers,  brave 
defenders  on  land  and  sea,  and  just  and  equal  laws  by  which  every  man 
may  sit  under  his  own  vine  and  fig  tree  with  none  to  molest  or  make 
afraid. 

We  thank  Thee  for  the  coming  together  of  this  august  assembly  of  repre 
sentative  men  from  all  parts  of  the  nation,  and  for  that  great  convention 
held  in  this  city  so  long  ago,  and  which  first  flung  the  banner  of  universal 
freedom  to  the  breeze  of  Heaven.  WTe  praise  Thee,  O  Lord  God  of  Hosts, 
that  this  banner  still  waves  unstained  and  undimmed,  the  proud  reminder 
of  past  achievements,  and  the  hope  for  all  time  to  come. 

WTe  thank  Thee  for  our  honored  President;  for  his  wisdom,  discretion, 
manly  courage  and  unblemished  character.  We  beseech  Thee  that  his  life 
and  health  may  be  precious  in  Thy  sight;  and  as  Thou  hast  in  Thy  good 
ness  given  him  to  us,  so,  if  it  pleases  Thee,  let  the  years  of  his  administra 
tion  of  our  Government  be  prolonged.  Bless,  also,  all  associated  with 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  55 

him  in  authority.  May  they  ever  be  found  on  the  side  of  justice,  loving 
peace,  but  never  counting  even  life  itself  too  dear  to  sacrifice  for  the  de 
fense  and  advancement  of  the  nation's  honor  and  welfare. 

Save  us,  O  Righteous  Father,  from  forgetfulness  of  Thee;  from  all  pride 
and  vainglory.  Let  not  the  profane,  the  self-seeking,  or  the  promoters  of 
strife  and  discontent  rule  over  us,  but  only  such  as  shall  be  a  terror  to  evil 
doers  and  a  praise  to  them  that  do  well.  Let  our  currency  neither  be 
impaired  by  inflation  nor  diminished  by  hoarding.  Let  the  rich  among  us 
use  their  wealth  in  moderation,  and  as  a  benediction  to  others.  Let  the 
poor,  by  industry  and  temperance,  become  rich.  Let  there  never  be  among 
us  an  aristocracy  either  of  color,  wealth  or  birth,  but  only  of  intelligence 
and  goodness.  Fill  our  land  with  truth  and  righteousness,  with  school- 
houses  and  temples  of  worship,  with  God-fearing  men  and  virtuous  women. 
Let  the  example  of  our  free  institutions  enlighten  and  bless  the  whole  earth. 

And  now.  we  commend  to  Thee,  O  God,  the  deliberations  of  this  Con 
vention,  and  all  the  issues  thereof.  Bless  the  presiding  officers  with  all 
sufficiency  of  wisdom  and  strength,  and  preserve  all  the  delegates  from 
sickness,  accident  and  death,  and  permit  them  to  return  to  their  homes, 
conscious  of  having  discharged  their  duty  to  their  God  and  country. 
And  the  glory  shall  be  unto  the  Father  and  unto  the  Son  and  unto  the 
Holy  Spirit,  as  it  was  in  the  beginning,  is  now,  and  ever  shall  be,  world 
without  end.  Amen. 

Mr.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON,  of  Illinois. — I  renew  my  motion  that  the  Con 
vention  adjourn  until  12  o'clock,  meridian,  to-morrow. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  3  o'clock  p.  m.)  the  Convention 
adjourned  until  to-morrow,  Wednesday,  June  20,  1900,  at  12  o'clock,  meri 
dian. 


THE    SECOND    DAY 

OPENING  PRAYER— RECEPTION  TO  SURVIVORS  OF  FIRST 
NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  OF  1856— REPORT 
OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS— REPORT  OF  THE 
COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION— ADDRESS 
OF  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN,  SENATOR  LODGE— PRESEN 
TATION  OF  GAVELS,  ETC.— REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE 
ON  RULES-THE  QUAY  AMENDMENT— REPORT  OF  THE 
COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS  AND  PLATFORM— THE 
NEW  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 


CONVENTION  HALL 

PHILADELPHIA,  PENNA.,  June  20,  1900. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  (at  12.27  o'clock  P.  M.). — The  Convention 
will  come  to  order.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  M.  Boswell,  of  Philadelphia, 
will  open  the  day's  proceedings  with  prayer. 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  CHARLES  M.  BOSWELL,  D.  D. 

Rev.  Charles  M.  Boswell,  D.  D.,  of  Philadelphia,  offered  the  following 
prayer: 

Our  Heavenly  Father,  we  come  to  Thee  as  the  creator  of  men  and  the 
upholder  of  governments.  Our  fathers  trusted  in  Thee  and  were  helped, 
and  where  they  led  may  we  gladly  and  boldly  follow.  We  thank  Thee 
for  the  land  in  which  we  live,  for  its  beloved  ruler,  the  prosperity  of  its 
people  and  the  victories  of  its  army  and  navy.  May  these  be  abundantly 
continued. 

We  bless  Thee  for  having  brave  and  wise  men  in  charge  of  our  execu 
tive,  legislative  and  judicial  affairs  in  trying  times.  May  it  always  be  so 
with  America. 

We  praise  Thee  for  these  men  who  have  left  their  occupations  and  homes 
to  transact  business  for  their  country  by  attending  this  Convention.  May 
Thy  special  favor  rest  upon  them.  Guide  them  in  their  deliberations,  plat 
form  and  candidates,  and  may  these  be  such  as  shall  be  approved  by  the 
people,  and  may  they  continue  to  keep  our  dear  old  country,  whose  flag 
we  love  to-day  better  than  ever  before,  in  the  lead  among  those  respected 
for  righteousness,  liberty  and  humanity. 

56 


HON.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts^ 

Permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention,   and   Chairman   of  the  Committee  to 
Notify  the  Candidate  for  President. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  57 

Give  these  delegates  and  their  friends  a  healthful  and  pleasant  stay  among 
us  and  preserve  their  loved  ones  from  harm  while  they  are  absent  from 
them.  Specially  remember  those  who  bear  arms  for  us  in  distant  lands, 
and  hasten  the  day  when  all  wars  shall  cease,  and  Thine  shall  be  the  honor 
and  glory  forever.  Amen. 

SURVIVORS  OF  FIRST  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION. 
The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN.  —  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  there  are 
present  here  to-day  a  body  of  survivors  of  the  first  Republican  Convention 
held  in  Pittsburg  and  Philadelphia  forty-four  years  ago.  They  bring  with 
them  the  same  old  flag  that  was  then  used  in  the  Convention,  and  with 
your  permission  I  will  ask  them  to  step  to  the  front  of  the  stage,  and  then 
will  have  read  some  resolutions  which  have  been  prepared.  (Applause.) 

At  that  moment  a  file  of  white-haired  patriarchs  appeared  from  the  rear, 
bearing  a  faded  American  flag,  tattered  and  barely  held  together  by  a  cross 
staff.  As  the  flag  appeared  the  entire  audience  rose,  and  a  deafening  salute 
went  up  for  the  faded  standard  and  its  venerable  upholders.  The  white- 
haired  men  ranged  themselves  side  by  side,  looking  out  on  the  sea  of  faces. 
Alongside  the  flag  another  standard  bore  the  inscription 


NATIONAL  FREMONT  ASSOCIATION, 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 
ORGANIZED  FEBRUARY  220,  1856, 
AT  PITTSBURG,  PENN. 


When  the  applause  had  subsided  the  leader  of  the  delegation  presented 
resolutions,   declaring  their  unwavering  allegiance  to  the   party  they   had 
helped  to  bring  forth. 
Those  who  were  thus  presented  to  the  convention  were  the  following: 

General  JOSEPH   R.   HAWLEY,  Connecticut. 

S.  WOODARD,   Illinois. 

GEORGE  SCHNEIDER,   Illinois. 

JACOB  FUSSELL,  Maryland. 

D.  F.  APPLETON,  New  York. 

Judge  RUSH  R.  SLOANE,  Ohio. 

General  B.   D.  BRINKERHOFF,  Ohio. 

JOHN  JACOBS,  Pennsylvania. 

WALTER  LAING,  Pennsylvania. 

G.  W.  HOLSTEIN,  M.  D.,  Pennsylvania. 

EDGAR  M.  LEVY,  D.D.,  Pennsylvania. 

JACOB  WYAND,   Pennsylvania. 

GEORGE  H.   BELL,  Rhode  Island. 


58  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  read  the  resolutions  adopted 
by  the  survivors  of  the  first  Republican  Convention. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

NATIONAL  FREMONT  ASSOCIATION. 

PITTSBURG,   PA.,  JUNE   16,    1900. 
To  the  Republican  Party 

in   National  Convention  assembled   in  Philadelphia, 
June    igth,    1900. 

In  response  to  the  invitation  extended  to  us  by  the  Hon.  Marcus  A.  Hanna,  Chair 
man  of  your  National  Committee,  to  be  present  at  your  convention  as  honorary  members: 
We,  the  survivors  of  the  original  Republican  Convention  held  in  Pittsburg,  Feb. 
22d,  1856,  regret  exceedingly  the  inability  of  many  of  said  members  to  accept  your  kind 
invitation,  owing  to  advanced  age.  At  a  meeting  of  the  National  Fremont  Association 
held  in  Pittsburg,  June  i6th,  1900,  it  was  resolved  that  Major  R.  H.  Long,  Secretary, 
and  J.  K.  Conner,  be  instructed  to  represent  us  in  your  distinguished  assembly.  Hav 
ing  remained  faithful  to  its  principles  for  forty-four  years,  we  shall  continue  the  same 
unto  the  end,  heartily  endorsing  the  administration  of  William  McKinley,  which  gives 
us  such  unbounded  prosperity. 

Yours   respectfully, 

GILBERT     FOLLANSBEE,     Chairman. 

R.    H.    LONG,    Secretary. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  first  business  in  order  is  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  Is  the  Committee  ready  to  report? 

Mr.  SERENO  E.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of 
the  Convention:  I  will  read  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials: 

"Your  Committee  on  Credentials  beg  leave  to  submit  the  following  report  in  the 
matter  of  the  seating  of  contested  delegates: 

"They  met  immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  session  of  the  convention  on 
Tuesday,  the  igth,  and  organized  by  the  selection  of  the  officers  of  the  committee. 
Since  that  time  they  have  been  in  continuous  session  until  the  roll  of  membership  was 
completed.  Your  committee  reports  its  action  in  the  cases  before  it  with  its  recommen 
dations. 

"As  to  the  contests  in  the  4th  and  7th  districts  of  Alabama,  the  4th  and  8th  districts 
of  Georgia,  the  delegates  at  large  and  the  ist,  2d,  3d  and  4th  districts  of  Louisiana; 
the  delegates  at  large,  and  the  6th  and  gth  districts  of  Tennessee;  the  delegates  at  large 
and  the  ist,  $th,  7th  and  9th  districts  of  Texas;  the  zd  Virginia  and  the  District  of 
Columbia,  the  action  of  the  National  Committee  in  the  matter  of  making  a  temporary 
roll  it  is  recommended  shall  be  the  action  of  the  convention.  Action  was  also  taken 
by  the  Committee  in  the  following  cases,  and  your  committee  recommend  that  the 
permanent  roll  as  to  these  shall  be  as  follows: 


STATE    OF  ALABAMA,   AT   LARGE. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

B.  W.  Walker  Montgomery        Nathan  Alexander   Montgomery 

C.  W.  Buckley Montgomery        G.  W.   Lovejoy  Mobile 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  59 

THIRD    DISTRICT    OF    ALABAMA. 

W.   W.   Milliken   Dothan        S.  M.  Murphy  Eufaula 

Moses  W.  Garden  Opelika       Aaron  T.  Timothy Union  Springs 

FIFTH   ALABAMA. 

J.    L.   Davis    Lafayette        L.   W.   Whitaker Rockford 

Hugh  A.   Carson  Haynesville        J.    W.    Ferryman Dadeville 

STATE  OF  DELAWARE,  AT  LARGE. 

J.  Edward  Addicks  Claymont  Webster  Blakeley  Henry  Clay 

W.  B.  Clerk  Wilmington  Thomas  E.  Postles  Wilmington 

James  Franck  Alice  Dover  D.   S.  Clark  Kenton 

C.  R.  Layton  Georgetown  Newell  Ball Bridgeville 

H.  M.  Burton  Lewes  C.  M.  Davis  Laurel 

A.  B.  Conner Felton  Theodore  Townsend   Milford 

FIFTH  LOUISIANA  DISTRICT. 

W.    W.   Johnson Omega        George  W.  Stewart  Omega 

John  W.   Cooke Lake  Providence        J.  B.  Robinson Lake  Providence 

FOURTH   TEXAS   DISTRICT. 

J.  A.  Blackwell.  B.  C.  Browning. 

H.   G.   Goree.  H.  W.  Walker. 

SIXTH   TEXAS  DISTRICT. 

Eugene  Marshall.  G.  W.  McCormick. 

W.  E.  King.  G.  W.  Lanier. 

"A  copy  of  the  Roll  of   Delegates  and  Alternates  as  adopted  by  this  committee  is 
herewith    submitted. 

Respectfully    submitted, 

SERENO    E.    PAYXS.    Chairman." 


ROLL  OF  DELEGATES 

The  roll  of  delegates  and  alternates  above  referred  to  is  as  follows: 
CORRECTED    ROLL   OF   DELEGATES    AND   ALTERNATES   TO 
THE  TWELFTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 
AS  PRESENTED  BY  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

ALABAMA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT    LARGE. 

B.  W.  Walker  Montgomery        Nathan  Alexander   Montgomery 

C.  W.  Buckley Montgomery        G.  W.  Lovejoy  Mobile 

DISTRICTS. 

i— P.  D.  Barker Mobile  A.  N.  McEwen  Mobile 

James  Peterson  Mobile  E.  H.  Threep  Demopolis 

2 — J.  W.  Dimmick  Montgomery  L.  J.  Bryan  Montgomery 

Percy  W.  Morris  Daphne  D.  B.  Pryor Troy 

3— W.  W.  Milliken  Dothan  S.  M.  Murphy  Eufaula 

Moses  W.  Garden Opelika  Aaron  T.  Timothy  Union  Springs 


60 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


ALABAMA— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


4_Wm.   F.  Aldrich   Aldrich 

Charles  W.  Smith  Selma 

5— J.  L.  Davis  Lafayette 

Hugh  A.  Carson  Haynesville 

6— P.  M.  Long Cordova 

Thomas  B.  Morton  Fayette 

7— Frank  H.  Lathrop  Riverside 

John  T.  Ezzell  Russelville 

8— H.  V.  Cashin  Huntsville 

Fred.  Arn  Scottsboro 

9 — J.  W.  Hughes  Birmingham 

Ad.  Wimbs Greensboro 


L.  T.  Smith  Anniston 

Lytton   Green Anniston 

L.  W.  Whitaker  Rockford 

J.  W.   Ferryman   Dadeville 

S.  L.  Whatley  Tuscaloosa 

W.  H.  Chapman   Eutaw 

C.  E.  Sneed Eoaz 

R.  B.  Thompson  Cullman 

Felix  McWilliams   Elkmont 

S.  P.  Merrill  Florence 

G.  G.  Walker Perry 

H.  D.  Davidson  ..  Bibb 


ARKANSAS. 

AT    LARGE. 

John  McClure  Little  Rock  Chas.  H.  Newell  Fordyce 

•Charles  N.  Rix Hot  Springs  Patrick  Raleigh  Little  Rock 

Ferd  Havis   Pine  Bluff  R.  C.  Thompson  Pine  Bluff 

S.  A.   Duke   Baxter  T.  J.  Sharum Walnut  Ridge 


DISTRICTS. 


i_j.  w.  Grubbs  New  Port 

E.  C.  Morris Helena 

2 — Charles  D.  Greaves Hot  Springs 

Oscar  M.  Spellman Pine  Bluff 

3 — Floyd  Thompson  Texarkana 

Henry  Thane  Arkansas  City 

4— Sid.  B.  Redding Little  Rock 

J.  P.  Robinson Little  Rock 

5 — Charles  M.  Greene Harrison 

J.  F.  Henley Marshall 

6-J.  M.  McClintock  Devall  Bluff 

G.  W.  Chase  Yellville 


W.  W.  Harrison  Ebony 

J.  H.  Blount  "Forrest  City 

W.  W.  Bailey  Ft.   Smith 

S.  W.  Dawson  Fairfield 

J.  C.  Russell  Camden 

M.  M.  Murray New  Lewisville 

M.  H.  Johnson Little  Rock 

John  W.  White  .. Russelville 

J.  M.  Jernigan  Green  Forest 

J.  F.  Mayes   Fayetteville 

W.    N.    Carpenter DeWitt 

H.  H.  Cole  ..  ...Beebe 


CALIFORNIA. 

AT    LARGE. 

U.  S.  Grant  San  Diego  H.  G.  W.  Dinklcspiel San  Francisco 

George  C.  Pardee Oakland  E.  S.  Babcock  San  Diego 

George  A.  Knight  San  Francisco  A.  Bouvier  San  Francisco 

N.  D.  Rideout  Marysville  W.  R.  Porter  Watsonville 


DISTRICTS. 


i— Douglas  S.  Cone  Red  Bluff 

John  L.  Childs  Crescent  City 

2— E.  C.  Hart  Sacramento 

Harold  T.  Power  Michigan  Bluff 

3— George  W.  Reed  Oakland 

R.  D.  Robbins  Suisun 

4 — Joseph  S.  Spear San  Francisco 

Moses  A  Gunst San  Francisco 

5 — W.  C.  Van  Fleet San  Francisco 

H.  G.  Bond  Santa  Clara 

6 — William  M.  Garland  Los  Angeles 

Andrew  J.  Bell  Ventura 

7— Chester  Rowell  Fresno 

William  S.   Hooper San  Bernardino 


J.  N.  Roberts  Potter  Valley 

J.  H.  Steves St.  Helena 

J.  W.  Wilson  Sacramento 

E.  C.  Voorheis Sutter  Creek 

A.  P.  Leach  Oakland 

A.  A.  Thayer  Colusa 

A.  Ruef  San  Francisco 

Henry  P.  Sonntag  San  Francisco 

G.  M.  Bowman  San  Jose 

Edward  D.  Peixotto San  Francisco 

E.  Henderson  Pomona 

Warren  M.  Johns San  Luis  Obispo 

C,  E.  Arnold  Bakersfield 

J.  L.  Paul  Ontario 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  61 

COLORADO. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT    LARGE. 

Edward  O.  Wolcott  Denver  Harry  E.  Churchill Greeley 

David  H.  Moffat  Denver  Earl  B.  Coe  Denver 

Winfield  S.  Stratton Colorado  Springs  Crawford  Hill  Denver 

D.  R.  C.  Brown Aspen  B.  W.  Ritter Durango 

DISTRICTS. 

I — Charles  C.  Cavender  Leadville  William  K.  Burchinell Denver 

John  B.  Thompson Longmont  Thomas  H.  Davy Ft.  Collins 

2— D.  B.  Fairley Colorado  Springs  Richard  P.  Chinn  Dumont 

John  Grass  Trinidad  George  R.  Hurlburt Ouray 

CONNECTICUT. 

AT    LARGE. 

Linus  B.  Plimpton  Hartford  Win.  C.  Cheney South  Manchester 

Charles  F.   Brooker  Ansonia  Samuel  P.  Calef  Middletown 

Edwin  Milner  Plainfield  Frank  B.  Brandegee New  London 

J.   Deming  Perkins Litchfield  R.  Jay  Walsh  Greenwich 

DISTRICTS. 
i — Andrew  J.  Sloper  New  Britain        Isadore  Wise   Hartford 

Francis   G.    Maxwell Rockville        Edward  E.   Fuller   Tolland 

2— William    F.    Rockwell Meriden        Frederick  E.  Gaylord  Ansonia 

Mathewson   W.    Potter Deep    River        J.  B.  Holman Old  Saybrook 

3— Frederick   Farnsworth New    London        F.  H.  Hinkley Mystic 

George  A.  Hammond Putnam        Charles    N.    Daniels Willimantic 

4— Henry  H.   Bridgman Norfolk        R.  J.  Plumb Plymouth 

William  E.  Seeley Bridgeport       John  R.   Hill   Danbury 

DELAWARE. 

AT     LARGE. 

J.  Edward  Addicks  Claymont  Webster  Blakeley  Henry  Clay 

W,  B.  Clerk  Wilmington  Thomas  E.  Postles  Wilmington 

James  Franck  Alice  Dover  D.   S.   Clark   Kenton 

C.  R.  Layton  Georgetown  Newell  Ball Bridgeville 

H.  M.  Burton  Lewes  C.  M.  Davis  Laurel 

A.  B.  Conner  ..  ...Felton  Theodore  Townsend  Milford 


FLORIDA. 

AT    LARGE. 

Joseph  E.   Lee   Jacksonville  W.  H.  Lucas  Jacksonville 

John  G.  Long  St.  Augustine  S.  H.  Hadley Lake  City 

Henry  S.   Chubb Winter  Park  R.  L.  Scarlett Orange  Hill 

Mark  S.  White  Pensacola  A.    Purdee    Marianna 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Tames  N.  Coombs  Apalachicola  M.  A.  Trapp  Quincy 

John  F.  Horr  Jacksonville  G.  W.  Raiford  Pensacola 

2 — Walter  G.  Robinson  Gainesville  James  Atkinson De  Land 

Henry  W.  Chandler  Ocala  P.  N.  Richardson  Fernandina 


62  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

GEORGIA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT    LARGE. 

W.  H.  Johnson  Columbus        Alex.  Akerman   Dublin 

H.  A.  Rucker  Atlanta        L.  M.  Pleasant  Savannah 

J.  W.  Lyons   Augusta        A.   Graves   Atlanta 

H.  L.  Johnson  Atlanta       T.  M.  Dent Rome 

DISTRICTS. 

i— John  H.  Deveaux  Savannah        S.  O.  Cherry Waynesborough 

W.  R.  Leaken Savannah  S.  B.  Morse  Savannah 

2— W.  H.  Satterwhite  Albany  S.  S.  Broadnax  Thomasville 

James  L.  Reddick  Dawson  E.  B.  Brown  Tifton 

3— M.  G.  Hall  Cordele  C.  H.  Moore  Jeffersonville 

J.  T.  Noble  Perry  P.  C.  Cooley  Hawkinsville 

4— E.  N.  Clemence  Columbus  H.  A.  Poer Hamilton 

Samuel  Loveloy  Bullochville  J.  B.  Richardson  Hogansville 

5— E.  F.  Blodgett  Atlanta  L.  L.  Lee  Atlanta 

C.  C.  Wimbish  Atlanta        N.  H.  Sims  Conyers 

6— R.  D.  Locke  Macon       J.  A.  Smith  Forsythe 

I.  W.  Wood  Forsythe  W.  E.  Harp  Jackson 

7— J.  J.  Hamilton  Rome  D.  C.  Cole  Marietta 

M.  C.  Parker  Rome  J.  W.  Leigh  Etna 

8— W.  A.  Pledger Athens  E.  W.  Howell  Eatonton 

M.  B.  Morton  Athens  W.  M.  Matthews  Lexington 

9— J.  R.  Allen  Talking  Rock  C.  E.  Williams  Winder 

H.  D.  Ingersoll  Dahlonega  M.  C.  Wilcox Mt.  Airy 

10 — A.  E.  Williams  Gordon  John  T.  White Augusta 

P.  H.  Craig Augusta  A.  G.  Floyd  Sandersville 

ii — W.  H.  Matthews  Brunswick  J.  M.  Milton  Waycross 

Clark  Grier Dublin        S.   S.  Mincey  Ailey 

IDAHO. 

George  L.  Shoup  Boise  City        H.  B.  Eastman  Boise  City 

W.  B.  Heyburn  Osborn        D.  H.  Budlong Coeur  d' Alene  City 

J.  F.  Ailshie   Grangeville        Mrs.  J.  B.  West   Lewiston 

L.  L.  Ormsby  Boise  City        Lewis  Hall Wreiser 

Frank  R.  Gooding Shoshone        F.  C.  Bradley  Hailey 

George  A.  Robethan  Pocatello        D.  W.  Church  Pocatello 

ILLINOIS. 

AT    LARGE. 

Joseph  G.  Cannon  Danville        C.  H.   Castle   Adair 

John  J.  Brown  Vandalia        H.  W.  Jameson  Chicago 

John  M.  Smyth Chicago        Norman  H.  Moss Mt.  Vernon 

H.   D.  Judson   Aurora        Maurice  Rosenfield  Chicago 

DISTRICTS. 
i— Martin  B.  Madden Chicago        Nicholas  Birkhoff Chicago 

Henry  G.  Foreman Chicago        A.  L.  Williams  Chicago 

2— William  Lorimer   Chicago        D.  M.  Ball   Norwood  Park 

Charles  S.  Deneen   Chicago        E.  B.  Bliss  Riverside 

3— Frank  O.  Lowden  Chicago        Wm.  J.  Cook  Chicago 

E.  J.  Magerstadt  Chicago        Hestor  Duranti  Chicago 

4— Christopher  Mamer  Chicago       John  Dwyer Chicago 

D.  W.  Clark  Chicago        James  J.  Banks  Chicago 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


I LLI N  O I S— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


5—  Louis  D.  Sitts  Chicago 

Ephram  Banning  Chicago 

6— Graeme  Stewart  Chicago 

Bernard  E.  Sunny Chicago 

7— David  S.  McMullen  Evanston 

Fred  L.  Wilk Chicago 

8— Isaac  L.  Ellwood  De  Kalb 

John  Stewart  Elburn 

9— L.  W.  Mitchell  Dixon 

John  M.  Rhinewalt  Mt.  Carroll 

10— F.  C.  Rice  Galesburg 

Charles  H.  Deere  Moline 

ii — John  C.  Ames  Streator 

Con.  Brown  Wyanet 

12 — John  Lambert  Joliet 

Hamilton  K.  Wheeler  Kankakee 

13— J.  H.  Rowell  Bloomington 

J.  P.  Middlecoff  Paxton 

14— Frederick  H.  Smith  Peoria 

U.  W.  Wilson  Minonk 

is— W,  S.  WarfieM  . Quincy 

EveTe^rE.  Hardin  Monmouth 

16— J.  G.  Pope  Greenfield 

Charles  A.  E.  Martin  Virginia 

17—  Loren  C.  Wheeler  Springfield 

W.  C.  Johns  Decatur 

18— George  W.  Hewett  Alton 

W.  G.  Cochran  Sullivan 

lo-T.  J.  Golden  Marshall 

T.  A.  Fritchie  Olney 

20 — Orlando  Burrell  Carmi 

L.  L.  Emerson  Mt.  Vernon 

21— Charles  Becker  Belleville 

Julius  Huegely  Nashville 

22— P.  T.  Chapman  Vienna 

Thomas  John,  Jr Murphysboro 


Winfield  S.  McCoy  Chicago 

James  S.  Burke Chicago 

F.  A.  Haggerty   Chicago 

Charles  Probst Chicago 

W.  M.  McEwen  Chicago 

Geo.  W.  Turner  Ft.  Sheridan 

John  R.  Marshall  Yorkville 

W.  W.  Sherwin  Elgin 

Richard  Barrett  Galena 

M.    E.    Schryver Polo 

B.  F.  Knox Rock  Island 

Samuel  White  Lafayette 

A.  J.  Boydon Sheffield 

J.  W.  Wilcox  Minonk 

Chas.  A.  Noble   Joliet 

P.  E.  Larson ...Watseka 

T.   H.   McCartney   Monticello 

Thomas  Lyons  Arcola 

D.  C.  White Mason 

L.    H.    Durley    Putnam 

Rans  Cooper  Oquawka 

Geo.  Curry  Mt.  Sterling 

W.  H.  Stewart  Carlinville 

J.  R.  Robertson  Jacksonville 

E.  C.  Perkins  Lincoln 

J.   C.  McQuigg  Pana 

Geo.   R.   Copper Hillsboro 

P.  M.  Johnston  St.  Elmo 

R.  S.  Dyas Paris 

H.  G.  Vanzandt   Montrose 

Anthony  Spaeth  Mt.  Carmel 

Thomas  S.  Williams   Louisville 

R.  C.  Aderly  Chester 

Henry  H.  Anderson  Du  Quain 

O.  J.  Page  Metropolis 

Chas.  L.  Rice  Mound  City 


INDIANA. 

AT    LARGE. 

Charles  W.  Fairbanks  Indianapolis        Nathan  Powell 


A.  J.  Beveridge  Indianapolis 

James  A.   Mount   Indianapolis 

Charles    S.   Hernley    Indianapolis 


Madison 

Wm.   Amsden    Marion 

Thomas  H.  Adams  Vincennes 

Gurley  Brewer  Indianapolis 


DISTRICTS. 


i— Walter  M.   Schmitt   Evansville 

Sylvester  Thompson  Petersburg 

2— Job  Freeman  Linton 

Albert  H.  Davis  Bedford 

3— Charles  L.  Jewett New  Albany 

Eugene  Cummings  Cannelton 

4— Arthur  Overstreet  Columbus 

William  P.  Masters  Seymour 

5— Quincy  A.  Blankenship Martinsville 


Elder   Cooper   Evansville 

S.  C.  Dickson  Mt.   Vernon 

John  B.  Loyd  Shoals 

Wm.  S.  Mead Spencer 

A.  L.  Fisher  Scottsburg 

Jas.  R.  Pro  English 

John  P.  Thompon  Greensburg 

Wm.   Wingate   Batesville 

Frank  J.  Singleton  Martinsville 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 


INDIANA— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


George  M.  Allen  Terre  Haute 

6— Charles  F.  Jones  Brookville 

Joshua  Davis  Liberty 

7 — Harry  B.  Gates  Indianapolis 

Robert  Metzger Indianapolis 

8 — Charles  Kimbrough  Muncie 

Grant  Lupton Hartford  City 

9— James  L.  Allen  Covington 

William  Craig  Noblesville 

10— George  P.  Hay  wood  Lafayette 

Murray  A.   Turner Hammond 

ii— C.  C.  Shirley  Kokomo 

Will  H.  Hart  Huntington 

12 — Albert  C.  Robins  Auburn 

Charles    Nichols    Lima 

13 — John  D.  Widaman Warsaw 

Rome  C.   Stephenson   Rochester 


Otto  C.  Carr Terre  Haute 

Benj.  F.  Koons  New  Castle 

Chas.  K.  Bruner  Greenfield 

Wm.  Kothe  Indianapolis 

Lew.    W.    Cooper Indianapolis 

Frank    Braden Portland 

Cassius  M.  Greenlee   Elkwood 

Geo.  T.  Dinwiddie Frankfort 

W.  H.  Marker  Tipton 

Wm.  B.  Austin  Rensselear 

Warren  T.  McCray Kentland 

A.  C.  Alexander Marion 

Ed.  Bridges Wabash 

John  F.  Criswell   Churubusco 

Harry  K.  Scott  Angola 

Wm.   Hendricks   Plymouth 

Saml.  I.  Brown  ..  Winamac 


IOWA. 

AT    LARGE. 


Leslie  M.  Shaw Denison 

Lafayette  Young  Des  Moines 

George  W.  French   Davenport 

J.  H.  Smith  Cedar  Rapids 


Chas.  M.  Junkin  Fairfield 

F.  M.  Epperson Eddyville 

E.  G.  Penrose  Tama 

T.  E.  Purcell Hampton 


DISTRICTS. 


i— J.  Elerick  Keosauqua 

Warren  Beckwith Mt.  Pleasant 

2— J.  N.  W.  Rumple Marengo 

W.  L.  Roach  Muscatine 

3— C.  E.  Allbrook  Eldora 

C.  R.  Ransier  Independence 

4— E.  O.  Worder  Floyd 

J.  J.  Marsh  Eldora 

5— M.  J.  Tobin  Vinton 

E.  M.  Sargent  Grundy  Center 

6 — C.  M.  Hinsdale  Newton 

John  A.  Dunn  Bloomfield 

7— W.  O.  Payne  Nevada 

H.    C.    Schamel Dallas   Center 

8— William  Eaton  Sidney 

J.  C.   Mabry   Centerville 

9— John  A.   Storey   Greenfield 

Asmus  Boysen Gray 

10— J.  E.  Allen  Laurens 

J.  L.  Stevens  Boone 

1 1— William  McFarlane   Blencoe 

W7.  H.  Lyon,  Jr Peterson 


A.  B.  Anderson  Washington 

J.  B.  Morrison  Ft.  Madison 

W.  F.  Main Iowa  City 

David  Brant  Clinton 

H.   L.   Rann   Manchester 

F.  J.  Will  Eagle  Grove 

B.  W.  Newberry  Strawberry  Point 

A.  H.  Gale  Mason  City 

E.  C.  McMillan   Marshalltown 

T.    R.    Ercanbrack Anamosa 

George  H.  Woodson  Oskaloosa 

Ed.  A.  Canning  Albia 

R.  N.  Hyde  Des  Moines 

J.  R.  Thompson  Earlham 

W.   S.   Richards    Osceola 

J.   S.  Clark  Prescott 

W.  W.  Ellis  Villisca 

C.  R.  Benedict  Shelby 

D.  J.  Townsend  Lohrville 

Wm.  Anderson  Webster  City 

B.  T.   French   Hawarden 

Fred.    Morton    Sibley 


KANSAS. 

AT    LARGE. 


M,  A.  Low  ' Topeka 

B.  H.  Tracy Topeka 

E.  W.  Wellington   Ellsworth 


A.  D.  Walker -.  .Holton 

J.  J.  Mitchell  Eskridge 

Frank  Strain  Phillipsburg 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 

KAN  S  AS — Con  tin  ued. 

AT    LARGE. 


65 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


Frank  L.  Martin  ...............  Hutchinson 

\V.  S.  Metcalf  .....................  Lawrence 

F.  A.   DuBois  ......................  Howard 


G.  W.  Nimocks  .................  Great  Bend 

George  Ford    ......................  Ft.   Scott 

O.  F.  Lewis  ..........................  Hepler 


i — R.  M.  Emery  Seneca 

Jno.  Seaton  Atchison 

2— \Y.  G.  Holt Kansas  City 

Grant  Hornadny  Ft.  Scott 

3— R.  N.  Allen  Chanute 

J.  T.  Bradley  Sedan 

4— S.  B.  Rohrer Le  Roy 

Frank  Hunsicker  Osage  City 

5 — J.  R.  Burton  Abilene 

\Y.  \V.  Caldwell  Concordia 

6— J.  R.  Burrows Smith  Center 

D.  J.  Hanna Hill  City 

7— T.  B.  Wall  Wichita 

H.  F.  Millikan   ..  ...Santa  Fe 


F.  W.  Willard  Leavenworth 

Melville  H.   Soper  Hiawatha 

J.  H.  Ransom  Ottawa 

IT.   F.    Blaker   Mount  City 

W.    H.   Upton   Arkansas  City 

P.   P.   Campbell   Pittsburg 

T.  M.  Potter  Peabody 

G.  Nagle    Eureka 

S.  T.  Yoder  Washington 

W.  D.  Houston  Ottawa 

R.  R.  Hayes Osborne 

W.    H.    Mitchell    Beloit 

A.   Sabine  Garden  City 

Wm.  Dixon  St.  John 


KENTUCKY. 

AT    LARGE. 


AV.   S.  Taylor  Frankfort 

W.  O.  Bradley Lancaster 

George  Denny   Lexington 

W.  A.  Gaines  Covington 


John  R.  Kelday  Louisville 

W.  T.  Morrow  Sheperdsville 

James  A.  \Vallace  Irvine 

Charles  R.  Logan  Grayson 


DISTRICTS. 


i — John  C.  Gates Princeton 

W.  H.  McRidley  Cadiz 

2 — E.  T.  Franks  Owensboro 

W.  P.  Ross  Madisonville 

3 — E.  U.  Fordyce  Bowling  Green 

Jefferson  Vallandingham  .  .Russelville 
4 — M.  L.  Heavrin  Hartford 

George  W.  Long  Litchfield 

5 — Charles  E.  Sapp  Louisville 

T.  H.  Baker  Louisville 

6 — Richard  P.  Ernst  Covington 

Frank  S.  McMillin  Palmouth 

7— R.  P.  Stoll  Lexington 

H.  C.  Howard  Paris 

8— Daniel  R.  Collier  Lancaster 

Thomas  J.  Ballard  Lawrenceburg 

9 — George  W.  Armstrong  Grayson 

Horace  J.  Cochran  Maysville 

jo — John  W.  Langly  Prestonburg 

James  M.  Owens  Tulip 

ii — James  A.  Coleman  Somerset 

John   B.   Hurst   Harlan 

5 


D.  C.  Tackett  Wickliffe 

J.  T.   Stephens   Hickman 

H.  S.  Smith  Hopkinsville 

D.  \V.  Thornberry  Pool 

George  L.  Barnes Frankfort 

William  W.  Wilson  Bowling  Green 

John  R.  Eskridge  Hardinsburg 

John  B.  Weller  Bardstown 

R.   I.  James   Louisville 

Alf.  W.  Davis  Louisville 

Benedict  S.  Landram   Warsaw 

Henry  C.  Morgan  Cordovia 

W.  E.  Foster  Owensten 

Charles  E.  Nason Frankfort 

Jesse   B.    Kincheloe    Taylorsville 

John  T.  Ballard   Shelbyville 

A.   M.   Earle   Berry 

William  Riffe  Louisa 

Thomas    S.    Kirk Paintsville 

James  Eversole  Jackson 

D.  C.  Edwards  London 

T.  S.  Scott   .,  ...Burksville 


66  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

LOUISIANA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT     LARGE. 

Henry  C.  Warmouth   New  Orleans  Wm.  E.  Ramsey  Lake  Charles 

Lewis  S.  Clark  St.  Marys  Edward    Godchaux New    Orleans 

Thomas  J.  Woodward New  Orleans  Wm.  E.  Howell   Thibodaux 

Joseph  E.  Le  Blanc New  Of  leans  Chas.   A.  Bourgeois   Hahnville 

DISTRICTS. 

I— WalterL.  Cohen New  Orleans        Octave  Ray New  Orleans 

Charles  W.  Boothby New  Orleans  W.  J.  Moore  New  Orleans 

2— Emile  Kuntz  New  Orleans  Eugene  F.  R.  Augustus  New  Orleans 

Ernest  Duconge  New  Orleans  Wm.  H.  Williams New  Orleans 

3— Julius  Godchaux  New  Orleans  Gus.  A.  Breux  Lafayette 

William  J.  Behan  White  Castle  A.  Deuperrier  Iberia 

4— B.  F.  O'Neal  Benton  I.  H.  Bell  Shreveport 

F.  M.  Welsh  Alexandria  S.  H.  Ralph  , Alexandria 

5— W.  A.  Johnson  Omega  George  W.  Stewart  Omega 

John  W.  Cook  Lake  Providence  J.  B.  Robinson Lake  Providence 

6-L.  J.  Souer  Mandeville  Geo.  J.  Reilley  Clinton 

B.  V.  Baranco  Baton  Rouge        Henry  Erlich  Bayou  Chicot 

MAINE. 

AT    LARGE. 

Sidney  M.  Bird  Rockland  Harry  B.  Austin  Phillips 

Joseph  H.  Manley  Augusta  Benjamin  S.   Higgins   Eden 

George  W.  Norton  Portland  Emery  Andrews  Kennebunk 

George  A.  Murchie  Calais  Flavius  O.  Beal  Bangor 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Franklin  C.  Payson  Portland  Woodbury  K.  Dana  Westbrook 

Daniel  A.  Hurd  North  Berwick  Charles  W.  Smith  Waterboro 

2— Waldo  Pettingill  Rumford  Falls  Edwin  Riley  Livermore  Falls 

Henry  B.  Estes Lewistoa  L.  X.  Campbell  Rockland 

3 — Albert  M.  Spear  Gardiner  R.  G.  Henderson  Madison 

Albert  Pierce  Frankfort  Henry  W.  Sargent  Sedgwick 

4 — Frederick  H.  Parkhurst  Bangor  Atwood  W.  Spaulding  Caribou 

Wainwright  Gushing Foxcrof t  Frank  L.  Shaw  Machias 

MARYLAND. 

AT    LARGE. 

Louis  E.  McComas  Hagerstown  Geo.  D.  Day  Glenelg 

Sydney  E.  Mudd Laplata  Reese   Pitcher   Baltimore 

William  E.  Malster Baltimore  H.  S.  Cummings Baltimore 

Phillips  L.  Goldsborough  Cambridge  D.  W.  Young  Annapolis 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Thomas  M.  Bartlett  Easton  Thomas  N.  Conway  Berlin 

B.  Frank  Lankford  Princess  Ann  Marion  A.  Humphreys   Salisbury 

2 — George  E.  Baughman  Westminster  P.  Leslie  Hopper  Havre  de  Grace 

J.  Edwin  Webster  Belair  Chas.  M.  Short  Baltimore 

3 — George  R.  Heffner  Baltimore  Levi  A.  Thompson  Baltimore 

William  F.  Airey  Baltimore  William  Griffith   Baltimore 

4— S.  T.  Addison  Baltimore  B.  L.  Turner Baltimore 

J.  T.  Bradford  Baltimore'  C.  E.  West  Baltimore 

5— Enoch  B.  Able  James  A.  Caulk Baltimore 

W.  G.  Frick  James  Mars  Elkridge  Landing 

6— Thomas  C.  Noyes   Rockville  Harry  T.  Mullin  Cumberland 

D.   C.  Winebrenner   Frederick  Abraham  C.  Strite  Hagerstown 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


67 


MASSACHUSETTS. 

Delegates.  Alternates.  .    #•  , 

AT    LARGE.  >J 

Henry  C.  Lodge  Nahant        George  R.  Jewett   Salem 

Samuel  W.  McCall  Winchester        Henry  P.  Field  Northampton 

William  B.  Plunkett  Adams        Samuel  E.  Courtney  Boston 

Walter  Clifford   New  Bedford        Alfred  E.  Rose  ...Lowell 


DISTRICTS. 


i— Francis  W.  Rockwell Pittsfield 

Dana  Malone  Greenfield 

2 — Henry  M.  Phillips Springfield 

Richard  W.  Irwin  Northampton 

3— Matthew  J.  \Vhittall Worcester 

George  R.  Marble  Webster 

4 — Arthur  H.  Lowe  Fitchburg 

Charles  C.  Bancroft  Natick 

5— Arthur  G.  Pollard  Lowell 

E.  Frank  Lewis  Lawrence 

6 — Joseph  N.  Peterson Salem 

Walter  B.  Hopkinson Newburyport 

;— Alfred  E.  Cox  Maiden 

George  N.  Swallow  Boston 

8— Stillman  F.  Kelley Cambridge 

Franklin  E.  Huntress  Somerville 

9 — Jesse  M.  Gove  Boston 

William  W.  Campbell  ....Boston 

10 — John  Shaw  Quincy 

John  H.  Colby Boston 

ii— Everett  C.  Benton  Belmont 

M.  J.  Murray  Boston 

12 — George  E.  Keith  Brockton 

Alfred  B.  Williams  Taunton 

13 — Hugo  A.  Dubuque Fall  River 

Chester  Snow  Harwich 


C.   S.   Shattuck   Hatfield 

Nathan  B.  Wood North  Adams 

Norman  P.  Wood  Northfield 

Almond  Smith  Athol 

John  E.  Lancaster  Worcester 

Silas  E.  Wheelock  Uxbridge 

W.   H.   Chase   Leominster 

Walter  Howard   Clinton 

Enoch   Foster   Tewksbury 

George  H.  Poor  Andover 

Levi  L.  H.  Taylor Haverhill 

Solomon  Jacobs Gloucester 

Charles  Bruce  Everett 

Charles  C.  Fry  Lynn 

J.  Mott  Hallowell  Medford 

Henry  F.   Strout   Boston 

Charles  A.  Grant  Winthrop 

Marcus  C.  Cook  Boston 

Charles  B.  Woolley Boston 

Geo.  B.  Pierce  Milton 

William  W.  Davis  Boston 

Clifford  A.  Cook  Milford 

Amos  A.   Lawrence   Cohasset 

Charles  J.  Mercer  Bridgewater 

Otis  Foss  Cottage  City 

Emanuel  Sallavott  New  Bedford 


MICHIGAN. 

AT    LARGE. 


Frank  J.  Hecker  Detroit 

Delos  A.  Blodgett  Grand  Rapids 

William  McPherson,  Jr Howell 

William  E.  Parnall  ..  ...Calumet 


Albert  S.   Glasgow   Jackson 

Herbert  F.  Sands  Pentwater 

William  Barie  Saginaw 

John  N.  McCall Ithaca 


DISTRICTS. 


i — August  Marxhausen   Detroit 

William  Livingstone  Detroit 

2 — Charles  L.  Edwards Carleton 

Leslie  B.  Robertson  Adrian 

3 — Edward  N.  Dingley Kalamazoo 

George  E.  Howes Battle  Creek 

4 — George  E.  Bardeen  Otsego 

George  M.  Valentine... Benton  Harbor 
5 — Henry  Spring  Grand  Rapids 

Brinton  F.  Hall  Belding 

6— Frederick  W.  Higgins Woodmere 

Russell  C.  Ostrander Lansing 

7— John  E.  Wallace  Port  Austin 

Charles  F.  Moore   St.  Clair 


John  H.  Carstens  Detroit 

Jacob  J.  Haarer  Detroit 

Jerome   H.    Bishop Wyandotte 

Charles  H.  Smith Jackson 

Albert  A.  Dorrence  Coldwater 

Fred.  A.  Roethlisberger  Allen 

Martin  E.  Aulsbrook  Sturgis 

Julius  O.  Becraft  Dowagiac 

Peter  McPherson  Vergennes 

Benjamin  A.  Mulder  Holland 

Jacob  Kanouse  Byron 

Earl  F.  Johnson  Flint 

Watson  Beach   Lexington 

Joseph  Walsh  Port  Huron 


68  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MICHIGAN— Continued. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 
DISTRICTS. 

8— Ralph  Loveland  Saginaw        Hiram  M.  High   Ovid 

Harvey  B.  McLaughlin Vernon        Fred  Slocum  Caro 

9 — Earl   Fairbanks    Luther        Archibald  F.  Bunting Empire 

A.    Oren    Wheeler Manistee        George  E.  Hilton  Fremont 

10— Edward  F.  Loud  AuSable        Floyd   L.    Post   Midland 

Victor  D.  Sprague  Cheboygan        John  Walsh  West  Bay  City 

ii— Ren  Barker   Reed  City        John  R.  Tennant  Lake  City 

Wm.  H.  C.  Mitchell Traverse  City        Addis  Albro  Mount  Pleasant 

12 — Murray  M.  Duncan  Ishpeming        Robert  H.   Shields   Houghton 

Thomas  F.  Cole  Ironwood        Sanford  M.  Deutcher   Newberry 

MINNESOTA. 

AT    LARGE. 

Cushman  K.  Davis  St.  Paul  Kenneth  Clark  St.   Paul 

Knute  Nelson   Alexandria  J.  Frank  Wheaton  Minneapolis 

Thomas   Lowry    Minneapolis  David  N.  Tallman  Willmar 

Samuel  Lord   Kasson  W.  W.  Sivright Hutchinson 

DISTRICTS. 
i— Allen  J.  Greer  Lake  City        M.  B.  Chadwick  Owatonna 

E.  K.  Roverud   Caledonia        W.  A.  Morin  Albert  Lea 

2 — George  Fitzsimmons  Canby        Jas.  H.  Quinn Fairmont 

J.  R.  Lankard  Redwood  Falls        S.  D.  Bedford  Bushmore 

3— E.  A.  Whitford  Hastings        R.  R.  Stoner  Winthrop 

Albert  G.  Stoddard   Fairfax        Henry  R.  Diessner  Waconia 

4 — H.  F.  Barker  Cambridge        George  H.  Newbert  Mora 

Fred.  C.  Schiffman St.  Paul        Benjamin  F.  Knauft  St.  Paul 

5 — Thomas  H.  Shevlin  Minneapolis        Henry  G.  Hicks  Minneapolis 

Sever  E.  Olson Minneapolis        E.  B.  Zier  Minneapolis 

6 — A.  F.  Ferris   Brainerd        I.  A.  Caswell  Anoka 

J.  J.  Ecklund  Duluth        J.  A.  Oldenberg Sturgeon  Lake 

7 — H.  L.  Melgaard Argyle        S.  A.  Thomas  Ortonville 

Ray  W.  Jones  Frazee        Howard  Dykeman  Breckenridge 

MISSISSIPPI. 

AT    LARGE. 

M.  A.  Montgomery  Oxford  F.  D.  Mclntosh  Okolona 

John  R.  Lynch  Natchez  Thomas  Richardson  Port  Gibson 

James  Hill  Jackson  R.  D.  Littlejohn Columbus 

H.  C.  Turley  Natchez  W.  E.  Mollison  Ticksburg 

DISTRICTS. 

!_W.  F.  Elgin   Corinth  W.    B.   Elliot    Tupelo 

A.  C.  Shannon Shannon  J.  H.  Parker  Aberdeen 

2— John  S.  Burton Holly  Springs  John  D.  Taylor  Como  Plant 

Geo.  M.  Buchanan  Holly  Springs  John  W.  Love  Miller 

3 — Wesley  Crayton  Vicksburg  L.  Waldeur Greenville 

Sam.  P.  Hurst  Clarksdale  A.  B.  Grimes  Avondale 

4— William  D.  Frazee  Okolona  J.  II.  Carr Cofleeville 

W.  E.  Mask  Winona  G.  W.  Meacham  West  Point 

5— J.  W.  Smith  Meridian  W.  J.  Price  Meridian 

R.  A.  Simmons  Richland  C.  A.  Buchanan  Kosciusko 

6— Frederick  W.  Collins  Summit  Thomas  I.  Keyes Ocean  Spring 

John  P.  \Valworth Bay  St.  Louis  L.  G.  Piernas Bay  St.  Louis 

7— G.  E.  Matthews  Eva  E.  C.  Yellowley  Jackson 

R.  O.  Edwards   Jackson  S.    S.   Matthews    Hazlehurst 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


MISSOURI. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


AT    LARGE. 


Daniel  M.  Houser  St.  Louis 

David  P.  Dyer  St.  Louis 

James  L.  Minnis  Carrollton 

Charles  G.  Burton  Nevada 


O.  M.  Wood  St.  Louis 

Louis  Wood  Kansas  City 

J.  C.  Chastine   Kansas  City 

H.  H.  Walker St.  Joseph 


DISTRICTS. 


i— Thos.   B.   Morris   Hannibal 

Thos.  J.  Dockery Kirkesville 

2 — J.  L.  Nichols  Trenton 

A.  C.  Pettijohn  Brookfield 

3 — James  E.  Goodrich  Cameron 

Chas.  L.  Mowder  Braymer 

4 — Chas  J.  Borden  St.  Joseph 

Daniel  W.  Porter Mound  City 

5— Walter  S.  Dickey  Kansas  City 

Daniel  Hoefer  Higginsville 

6 — Jas.  T.  Burney Harrisonville 

W.  Y.  McLemore  Everton 

7— Frank  D.  Roberts  Springfield 

\Vm.  S.  Shirk  Sedalia 

8— J.  F.  Gemlich  Boonville 

R.  S.  Harvey  Eldon 

9 — J.  B.  Garber  W'arrenton 

Theo.  Bruere  St.  Charles 

10 — Henry  Ziegenheim  St.  Louis 

Emil  Dosenbach  Clayton 

:  i— Theo.  D.  Kalbfell  St.  Louis 

Geo.  J.  Kobusch  St.  Louis 

12 — Charles  Schweickardt  St.  Louis 

John  B.  Owen  St.  Louis 

13 — B.  B.  Cahoon  Fredericktown 

E.  C.  Steele  Hartville 

14 — M.  E.  Leming Cape  Girardeau 

Guy  T.  Harrison  Gainesville 

15— C.  U.  Shartel  Nevada 

Arthur  H.    Spencer   Joplin 


W.  B.  Rowland  Bevier 

A.  A.  Logan  Glenwood 

Charles  R.  Pattison  Carrollton 

J.  W.  Stigall Cairo 

John  E.   Schooler   Grant  City 

Wm.  Channell  Stanberry 

Robert  P.  McGeehan  Plattsburg 

Robert  M.   Stevenson    Tarkio 

W.  W.  Harnden Kansas  City 

H.  M.  Gerhart  Kansas  City 


Geo.   N.  Richards   Warsaw 

Edw.  A.  Remley  Columbia 

John  W.   Moore  California 

Chas.  H.  Schubert   Richland 

Silas  O.  Osterhaut  Center 

Wm.  T.  Aydelott   Troy 

Charles  Kratz  St.  Louis 

J.  H.  Fisher  Sullivan 

Wm.  J.   Broeker  St.   Louis 

John  G.   Brinkmeyer  St.   Louis 

Fred  H.   Smith   St.   Louis 

John  W.  Wheeler St.  Louis 

George  Gilbert  Marshfield 

A.   H.  Cashion   Perryville 

Jesse  Tollerton    Forsyth 

Henry  M.  Smith Marble  Hill 

J.    H.    Spencer    Joplin 

J.  O.  St.  John  Lamar 


MONTANA. 


Thcmas  H.  Carter Helena 

Henry   Dion    Glendive 

Tyler  Worden    Missoula 

John  F.  Forbes   Butte 

David  E.  Folsom.  ..White  Sulphur  Springs 
Charles  W.  Goodale Great  Falls 


Wilbur   F.    Sanders    Helena 

John  F.  Hendricks  Hamilton 

Milton  L.   Davidson   Dillon 

Joseph   R.    McKay Miles   City 

William  Lindsay Glendive 

Willis  A.  Hedges  Yale 


NEBRASKA. 

AT    LARGE. 


John  M.  Thurston Omaha 

Edward  Rosewater   Omaha 

John  H.  McClay Lincoln 

John  A.   Ehrhardt   Stanton 


Norris  Brown  Kearney 

H.  C.  Baird  Niobrara 

C.  W.  Kaley  Red  Cloud 

M.  R.  Snodgrass   West  Point 


70  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

NEBRASKA.— Continued. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Geo.  W.  Spurlock Plattsmouth        R.  C.  Boyd South  Auburn 

E.  A.  Tucker Humboldt  J.  W.  Worl  Sterling 

2— Wm.  F.  Gurley  Omaha  C.  E.  Hoover Papillion 

Ed.  J.  Cornish  Omaha  F.  H.  Claridge  Blair 

3— Henry  Ragatz  Columbus  N.  W.  Wells  Schuyler 

Jno.  D.  Haskell Wakefield  Nelson  Grimsley  Wayne 

4— Alex.  Laverty  Ashland  E.  L.  King  Osceola 

C.  B.  Rogers  Wymore  N.  V.  Harlan  York 

5— O.  A.  Abbott Grand  Island  Edward  Updike Harvard 

G.  L.  Day Superior  C.  A.  Luce Republican  City 

6— Geo.  B.  Darr Lexington  James  L.  Mclntosh Sidney 

E.  J.  Davenport Valentine        M.  L.  Fries  Arcadia 

NEVADA. 

AT     LARGE. 

Milo  C.  McMillan Virginia  City        John  S.  Craig   Yerington 

Patrick  L.  Flanigan Reno        P.  M.  Bowler  Hawthorne 

DISTRICTS. 

James  P.  Woodbury Carson  City        T.  L.  Franklin Gardnerville 

Oscar  J.   Smith   Reno        I.  C.  C.  Whitmore Eureka 

Warren  W.  Williams Stillwater        O.  H.  Grey   Carson  City 

Robert  L.  Fulton Reno        A.   Bruce    Elko 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

AT    LARGE. 

Jacob  L.  Gallinger   Concord  Charles  W.  Hoitt Nashua 

Frank  Jones Portsmouth  Alfred  F.  Howard Portsmouth 

William  C.  Clark Manchester  A.   Crosby  Kennett  Conway 

Thomas  N.  Hastings Walpole  Frederic  A.   Faulkner   Keene 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Fred.  A.  Palmer Manchester  Ellsworth  H.  Rollins  Alton 

Albert  Wallace Rochester  Rufus  E.  Graves  Newfields 

2— Frank  P.  Brown Whitefield  James  M.  Lavin  Berlin 

John  McLane Milford  Edwin  C.  Hitchcock Newport 

NEW   JERSEY. 

AT    LARGE. 

William  J.   Sewell   Camden  Henry  J.  Irick   Bordentown 

Foster  M.   Voorhees    Elizabeth  Jno.  I.  Blair  Reiley Phillipsburgh 

Franklin  Murphy Newark  Robert  Williams Paterson 

Barker  Gummere,  Jr Trenton  Edward  W.  Wooley Jersey  City 

DISTRICTS. 

i — William  J.  Bradley Camden  Morris   Davis    Bridgeton 

John  M.  Moore Clayton  Lucius  E.  Hires  Salem 

a— Wm.  S.  Hancock  Trenton  C.  Edward  Murray Trenton 

Samuel  W.  Beldon Bordentown  Lewis  T.  Bryant Atlantic  City 

3— Oliver  H.  Brown N.  Spring  Lake  '  George  S.  Tice Perth  Amboy 

Frederick  P.  Olcott Bernardsville  Andrew  H.  Church  South  River 

4— Nathan  H.  Hart  Newton  Charles  N.  Reading Frenchtown 

Geo.  W.  Stickle Rockaway  Joseph  H.  Fulper Washington 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


71 


NEW  JERSEY— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 


5 — Win.  Barbour Paterson 

Sheffield  Phelps  Teaneck 

6— Leslie  D.  Ward Newark 

Robt.  W.  Hawkesworth.  .  .East  Orange 
7 — Flavel  McGee Jersey  City 

Edward  M.  Watson Jersey  City 

8— Charles  J.  Fiske Plainfield 

Geo.  E.  DeCamp Livingston 


Thomas    R.    Watson Passaic 

Alfred  Gramlich   Woodridge 

George  A.  Douglas   Newark 

John  H.   Palmer East  Orange 

Henry  J.  Lemmer West  Hoboken 

Wm.  A.  Schell Hoboken 

John  H.  Eastwood   Belleville 

Edward  P.  Allen   Bayonne 


NEW   YORK. 

AT    LARGE. 


Thomas  C.  Platt Owego 

Chauncey  M.  Depew New  York 

Theodore  Roosevelt Oyster  Bay 

Benj.  B.  Odell,  Jr Newburgh 


James  A.  Roberts  Buffalo 

George  H.  Roberts Brooklyn 

George  J.  Smith   Kingston 

John  Raines   Canandaigua 


DISTRICTS. 


i — Frederick  P.  Morris.  ..  .Flushing,  L.  I. 

Joseph  M.  Belford Riverhead,  L.  I. 

2— Wm.  C.  Wallace Brooklyn 

Andrew  Jacobs    Brooklyn 

3 — Charles  A.    Moore    Brooklyn 

George  E.  Waldo   Brooklyn 

4 — Adolph  Kiendl Brooklyn 

Edward  P.  Morse Brooklyn 

5 — Wm.  Cullen  Bryant Brooklyn 

Francis  T.   Williams    Brooklyn 

6 — James  R.  Howe Brooklyn 

Harry  Jacquillard    Brooklyn 

7 — Hugh  McRoberts.  .Tompkinsville,  S.  I. 

John  Murray  Mitchell N.  Y.  City 

8— Lispenard  Stewart N.  Y.  City 

Frank  H.  Platt N.  Y.  City 

9— Charles  H.  Murray N.  Y.  City 

John  Sabine  Smith N.  Y.  City 

10— Frederick  S.  Gibbs N.  Y.  City 

Howard  Carroll N.  Y.  City 

ii— George  Hilliard N.  Y.  City 

George  R.  Shelden N.  Y.  City 

12— Cornelius  N.  Bliss N.  Y.  City 

F.  Norton  Goddard N.  Y.  City 

13— James  W.  Perry N.  Y.  City 

Edward  Lauterbach N.  Y.  City 

14— Lemuel  E.  Quigg N.  Y.  City 

John  Reisenweber N.  Y.  City 

15— Francis  V.  Greene N.  Y.  City 

Franklin  T.  Smith N.  Y.  City 

16— Wm.  H.  Ten  Eyck N.  Y.  City 

Leslie  M.  Sutherland   Yonkers 

17— Thomas  W.  Bradley Walden 

Otis  H.   Cutler  Suff ern 

18 — Robert  H.  Hunter Poughkeepsie 

Samuel  D.  Coykendall   Rondout 


C.  W.  Hellett Long  Island  City 

D.  Whitson  Valentine.  .Huntington,  L.  I. 

George  W.  Brush   Brooklyn 

James  A.  McMicken Brooklyn 

Jacob  D.  Breener Brooklyn 

William  T.  Beattie  Brooklyn 

David  F.  Butcher Brooklyn 

John  J.  Barrett Brooklyn 

George  F.  Murr TJrooklyn 

Maxwell  C.  Burger Brooklyn 

John  Drescher,  Jr Brooklyn 

George  H.  Nason  Brooklyn 

Thos.  A.  Branif Tompkinsville,  S.  I. 

Thompkins  Mcllvain N.  Y.  City 

James  E.  March N.  Y.  City 

Simon  Gavin N.  Y.  City 

John  Stiebling N.  Y.  City 

Patrick  J.  O'Brien N.  Y.  City 

John  Miller N.  Y.  City 

Frank  H.  Graff N.  Y.  City 

Thomas  Rothmann N.  Y.  City 

Charles  M.  Jeroloman N.  Y.  City 

Henry  Birrell N.  Y.  City 

George  B.  Agnew N.  Y.  City 

George  W.  Bleezarde N.  Y.  City 

Jacob  Kahn N.  Y.  C-y 

Newall  Martin N.  Y.  City 

Henry  R.  Hoyt N.  Y.  City 

Jefferson  A.  Simonds N.  Y.  City 

Ambrose  O.  Neal N.  Y.  City 

James  K.  Apgar Peekskill 

Edward  A.  Healey New  York 

Edward  D.  Tompkins Middletown 

J.  P.  Roose,  Jr Monticello 

E.  W.  Addis Brewster 

George  W.  Washburn    ":augerties 


72 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


NEW    YORK— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


19— Frank  S.  Black Troy 

Louis  F.  Payn  Chatham 

20 — Lewis  E.  Carr Albany 

Louis  I.  Walman Albany 

21 — Hobart  Krum  Schoharie 

Burr  Mattice  Oneonta 

22 — Leslie  W.  Russell  Canton 

W.  W.  Worden  Saratoga 

23 — Charles  E.  Johnson Plattsburg 

Frank  S.  Witherbee Port  Henry 

24 — George  B.  Sloan  Oswego 

Elon  R.  Brown  Watertown 

25 — John  C.  Davies Camden 

John  M.  Budlong  Schuyler 

26 — John  W.  Dwight  Dryden 

George  O.  Meade Walton 

27 — Hendrick  S.  Holden Syracuse 

Francis  Gates Chittenango 

28 — Sereno  E.  Payne  Auburn 

Charles  T.  Saxton Clyde 

29— John  F.  Parkhurst  Bath 

J.  B.  H.  Mongin Waterloo 

30 — S.  Benedict  Whitlock  Warsaw 

Arthur  C.  Hastings Niagara  Falls 

31 — George  W.  Aldridge  Rochester 

Henry  C.  Brewster Rochester 

32— John  R.  Hazel  Buffalo 

Simon  Seibert Buffalo 

33 — William  C.  Warren  Buffalo 

Herman  J.  Kreinhoder Buffalo 

34 — Hurley  L.  Phillips Jamestown 

Melvin  E.  Homer  ..  ..Belmont 


Herman   H.    Livingston    Catskill 

Cornelius  V.  Collins Troy 

Henry  M.   Sage Albany 

John  W.  Wheelock Albany 

James    H.    Callanan Schenectady 

Isaac  W.  Brandow Catskill 

M.   R.   Sackett   Gouverneur 

A.  E.  Blunck Johnstown 

John  Carrier   Brighton 

H.   E.   Tremaine   Caldwell 

P.    W.    Cullinan    Oswego 

William  H.  Johnson   Port  Leyden 

W'atson  T.  Dunmore Utica 

P.   J.   McEvoy   Little  Falls 

C.   J.   Knapp    Binghamton 

W.   E.  Johnson   Waverly 

James  W.  Upson Baldwinsville 

Eugene  P.  Sisson   Hamilton 

George  E.  Cornwell Pen  Yan 

Charles  F.   Milliken   Canandaigua 

Charles  A.  Sloans   Montour  Falls 

Seymour   Dexter    Elmira 

Stanley  E.   Filkins   Medina 

Jonathan   B.   Morey    Dansville 

John  C.  McVean,  Jr Scottsville 

DeWitt  C.  Becker Fairport 

James  Ash Buffalo 

Charles   Hosier    Buffalo 

A.    G.   Baker    Hamburgh 

Adam  Rinewatt Williamsville 

Charles  M.  Hamilton   Ripley 

Henry  A.   Soules   Allegheny 


NORTH    CAROLINA. 

AT    LARGE. 

J.  C.   Pritchard   Marshall  L.  L.  Wrenn Siler  City 

James  E.  Boyd Greensboro  J.  E.  Cox High  Point 

E.  C.   Duncan   Raleigh  A.  M.  Clarke Southern  Pines 

Charles    McNamee    Baltimore  I.  M.  Meekins Elizabeth  City 


DISTRICTS. 


i— D.  H.  Abbott Vandemere 

Wheeler  Martin Williamston 

2— Geo.  H.  White Tarboro 

Henry  E.  Hagans Goldsboro 

3— S.  W.  Hancock Newbern 

S.  A.  King Elizabethtown 

4— J.  M.  Millican  Asheboro 

C.  T.  Bailey  Raleigh 

5— Spencer  B.  Adams Greensboro 

Jos.  A.  Norwood Buchanan 

6 — Thomas  E.  Wallace Wilmington 

B.    B.    Russell ..Maxton 


W.  R.  White Hertford 

J.    L.   Phelps    Plymouth 

Albert  Miller   Lagrange 

Dred  Wimberly   Tarboro 

M.  B.  Williams Clinton 

S.  A.  Cotton Hope  Mills 

H.  P.  Pierce Selma 

F.  D.  Jones   Gulf 

J.  T.  Donoho   Yanceyville 

B.  F.  Sprinkle Reidsville 

F.  B.   Rice   Wilmington 

S.  B.  Pride  .  .  ..  .Charlotte 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


73 


NORTH    CAROLINA— Continued. 


Dekgates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


7— Henry  C.  Cowles Statesville 

D.  Martin  Carpenter Maiden 

8 — W.  A.  Lemley Winston 

J.  B.  Atkins  Lenoir 

9 — V.  S.  Lusk Asheville 

Thomas  S.  Rollins  ..  ..Marshall 


Moses  L.  Bean Salisbury 

M.   D.  Kimbrough   Mocksville 

J.  W.  McNeil Wilksboro 

S.  C.   Parson   Jefferson 

James  L.  Morgan   Marion 

J.  F.  Hayes   Saphire 


NORTH  DAKOTA. 


AT     LARGE. 


H.  S.  Hansbrough Devils  Lake 

Porter  J.  McCumber Wahpeton 

R.   N.   Stevens    Bismarck 

H.  L.  Holmes Bathgate 

Stephen  Collins Grand  Fork 

H.  C.  Plumley Fargo 


C.  V.  Brown Sykeston 

Geo.  A.  White Portland 

R.  S.   Blackwell   Lamoure 

Fred  Leutz Hebron 

E.  N.  Swiggum Graf  ton 

Warren  Steele . .  Rolla 


OHIO. 

AT    LARGE. 

George  K.  Nash Columbus  Charles  Foster   Fostoria 

Jos.   B.   Foraker   Cincinnati  W.  C.  Brown Fostoria 

Chas.   H.  Grosvenor Athens  George  A.  Meyers Cleveland 

Chas.  Dick   Akron  Myron  A.  Norris Youngstown 


DISTRICTS. 


k% i— George  B.  Cox CincTnnati 

Charles  P.  Taft   Cincinnati 

2— John  A.  Caldwell Cincinnati 

Henry  Bremfoeder Cincinnati 

3— Joseph  E.   Lowes   Dayton 

O.  V.   Parrish   Hamilton 

4— W.  D.  Davies Sidney 

W.   K.    Boone    Lima 

5— G.  L.  Marble   Van  Wert 

W.  H.  Phipps Paulding 

6—  Irvin  McD.  Smith Hillsboro 

Wm.    W.    Dennison Batavia 

7— Geo.  C.  Rawlins Springfield 

Thos.  W.  Marchant.. Washington,  C.  H. 

8— D.  E.  Strayer DeGraff 

J.  L.  Cameron Marysville 

9 — Robinson   Locke   Toledo 

J.  O.  Troup Bowling  Green 

10— Orin  B.  Gould Wellston 

Robert  M.  Switzer Gallipolis 

ii— John  F.  White   Logan 

C.  S.  Rannels Zaleski 

12— Cyrus  Huling Columbus 

O.  H.  Perry   Columbus 

13— Jesse  Vickery    Bellevue 

Alex.    Kiskadden    Tiffin 

14— John  M.  Barry Mt.  Gilead 

Burgess  L.  McElroy Mt.  Vernon 

15 — James  M.  Rusk McConnellsville 

P.   C.   Patterson    Cambridge 


Louis  Kruckemeyer Cincinnati 

Andrew  J.  Conroy Cincinnati 

John  B.  Morris Cincinnati 

Scott  Bonham Cincinnati 

J.   W.   King    Eaton 

W.    B.    Marsh    Eaton 

A.   F.  Markwith Greenville 

W.  W.  Shafer Rockford 

William  Kirtley,  Jr Defiance 

M.  E.  Wilson  Hicksville 

L.    H.   Williams    Ripley 

Cheney  F.   Cretors   Xenia 

Thos.  B.  Wilson London 

Henry   P.   Folsom    Circleville 

Frank  J.   McCulloch    Bellefontaine 

Geo.  J.  Carter Kenton 

John  B.  Wilson Bowling  Green 

Wm.  Sowders Port  Clinton 

P.  N.  Wickerham Peebles 

T.    N.    Patterson    Waverly 

P.   B.  Stanberry Pomeroy 

J.  T.  Axline Shawnee 

L.  W.  Buckmaster Columbus 

M.  C.  Lakin Columbus 

Roscoe  B.   Fisher Sandusky 

John  W.  Cupp   Galion 

A.  G.  Bodley Plymouth 

Lem  P.  Yokum Norwalk 

J.  S.  Rownd   Summerfield 

L.  C.  Hayes Vincent 


74 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


OHIO— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


16— G.  E.   Bradfield   Barnesville 

Robert  Blythe  Carrollton 

17— John  Huston Millersburg 

Wilson  A.  Korns New  Philadelphia 

18— Joseph  G.  Butler,  Jr Youngstown 

H.  W.  Morgan  Alliance 

19— S.  J.  Smith Conneaut 

W.  H.  Crafts  Mantua 

20—1.  P.  Lamson Cleveland 

Robert  C.  Moody  Painesville 

21— Frank  R.  Hatfield Cleveland 

James  Barnett Cleveland 


S.  K.  McLaughlin Hurford 

Robert  McGowan Steubenville 

George  A.  Hay   Coshocton 

Ross  W.  Funk Wooster 

H.  R.  Hill East  Liverpool 

Wm.  Cornelius Youngstown 

Richard  King Chardon 

W.   S.   Darlis    Kinsman 

James  Calwell   Cleveland 

Charles  C.  Hamilton  Cleveland 

W.  F.  Hoppensack Cleveland 

Joseph  Carabelli   Cleveland 


OREGON. 


AT    LARGE. 


Wallace  McCamant   Portland 

Henry  E.  Ankenny Sterling 

John  D.   Daly Corvallis 

H.  L.  Knuck ...The  Dalles 


Lewis  Simpson North  Bend 

H.  L.  Holgate Corvallis 

Wallis  Nash   Nashville 

John  W.  Knowles La  Grande 


DISTRICTS. 
i— George  A.  Steel Portland        Rufus  S.  Moore Klamath  Falls 

John  B.  David Newberg       James  A.  Wilson   Portland 

2— Joseph  Simon Portland       Thomas  McEwan Sumpter 

F.  S.  Stanley Perry        R.  Alexander Pendleton 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

AT    LARGE. 


M.  S.  Quay Beaver 

John  B.  Steel Greensburg 

Frank  Reeder Easton 

William  Connell Scranton 

B.  W.  Green   Emporium 

Chas.  A.  Porter Philadelphia 

James  Elverson   Philadelphia 

John  Leisenring Upper  Lehigh 


J.  Thomas  Preston : . .  Whitford 

W.  E.  Rice Warren 

C.  F.  Barclay Sinnemahoning 

Edward  A.  Price Media 

Mial  E.  Lilley Towanda 

W.  C.  Kreps   Green  Castle 

Jesse  L.  Hartman   Hollidaysburg 

George  Edward  Reed   Carlisle 


DISTRICTS. 


i— Henry  H.  Bingham Philadelphia 

— •  Israel  W.  Durham Philadelphia 

2— Boies  Penrose  Philadelphia 

David  H.  Lane Philadelphia 

3— James  B.  Anderson Philadelphia 

Joseph  H.  Klemmer Philadelphia 

4-A.  S.  L.  Shields Philadelphia 

Chas.  F.  Kindred Philadelphia 

5— John  H.  Bromley Philadelphia 

Isaac  Schlichter Philadelphia 

6— J.  Herbert  Ogden Lansdowne 

Horace  A.  Beale Parkesburg 

7— Jos.  Bosler  Ogontz 

Joseph  R.  Grundy Bristol 

8— Russel  C.  Stewart Easton 

J.  Monroe  Driesbach Mauch  Chunk 


William  McCoach   Philadelphia 

Thomas  Patterson   Philadelphia 

Samuel  M.  Clement Philadelphia 

Jacob  Wildemore Philadelphia 

Harry  J.  Trainer Philadelphia 

Robert  J.   Moore  Philadelphia 

Harry  D.  Beaston  Philadelphia 

Charles  W.  Boger Philadelphia 

William  L.  Martin Tacony 

Chas  P.  Francis Philadelphia 

J.  B.  Robinson   Media 

Joseph  Morris i Lionville 

Henry  B.  Freed  Souderton 

Chas.  G.  Knight Churchville 

H.  W.   Kistler   Stroudsburg 

H.   B.  Reed   Milford 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


75 


PENNSYLVANIA— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


DISTRICTS. 


9 — Jonathan  G.  Leinbach Reading 

Walter  L.  Jones  Allentown 

10 — \Y.  W.  Griest Lancaster 

Isaac  W.  Slokom  Christiana 

ii— Everett  Warren  Scranton 

Thomas  H.  Dale Scranton 

12— Morgan  B.  Williams  Wilkesbarre 

Chas.  A.  Hiner  \V  ilkesbarre 

13— V.'.  J.  Whitehouse Pottsville 

Harrison  Ball  Mahanoy  City 

14— Samuel  E.  Light  Lebanon 

Henry  C.  Shearer.  ..  .New  Bloomfield 
15— Coe  Durland  Honesdale 

F.  L.  Kinner Athens 

16 — James  N.  Kline  Williamsport 

Sanford  H.  Lewis Coudersport 

17— C.  M.  Clement Sunbury 

James  C.  Brown  Bloomsburg 

18— Dr.  Percival  Herman Kratzerville 

Carl  M.  Gage Huntingdon 

19— John  L.  Hill,  Jr Gettysburg 

Chas.  H.  Mullin Mt.  Holly  Springs 

20 — Robert  S.  Murphy Johnstown 

John  H.  Jordon Bedford 

21— Jay  C.  Booher  Falls  Creek 

Samuel  Donaldson  Kittanning 

22— C.  L.  Magee  Pittsburgh 

William  Flinn Pittsburgh 

23— James  R.  Wyman Allegheny 

William  Witherow  Allegheny 

24— Geo.  M.  von  Bonnhorst Pittsburgh 

John  H.  Murdock Washington 

23— Oscar  L.  Jackson New  Castle 

Raymond  H.  Pillow Butler 

26— J.  F.  Downing Erie 

Samuel  B.  Dick Meadville 

27— James  A.  McKean Smithport 

W.  P.  Nutting  Youngsville 

28— C.  A.  Randall Tionesta 

M.  L.  McQuown   Clearfield 


Uriah  Biery Shamrock 

Wm.  B.  Schaeffer West  Bethlehem 

E.   S.   Hoover   Lancaster 

J.  G.  Usner Rothsville 

Arthur  Long Scranton 

Chauncey   Derby    Scranton 

A.  W.  Drake   Lattimer  Mines 

Alex.   Thompson    Pittston 

Chas.  E.  Breckons St.  Claif 

Geo.  C.  Deifenderfer Orwigsburg 

Thomas  H.  Capp  Lebanon 

Jacob  H.  Redsecker Lebanon 

Henry  Harding    Tunkhannock 

H.  L.  Hoyt Athens 

A.  C.  Hopkins  Lock  Haven 

A.   G.  Olmsted   Coudersport 

A.   G.   Haas   Shamokin 

H.  A.  McKillip Bloomsburg 

J.  J.  Booth   Lewiston 

H.  B.  McNulty Chambersburg 

Solomon  D.   Melering   Littlestown 

R.  Hathaway  Shindle York 

John  R.  Scott Somerset 

George   R.   Scull    Somerset 

John  A.  Graff Blairsville 

D.  S.  Atkinson Greensburg 

J.   O.   Brown    Pittsburgh 

D.  L.  Gillespie   Pittsburgh 

Chas.  T.  Nevin Allegheny 

C.   W.    Forsythe    Natrona 

Webb  W.   Murray    Pittsburgh 

A.  C.  Marsh Washington 

Quincy  A.  Gordon Mercer 

John   B.   McClure   Beaver 

Chas.   Burgess   Titusville 

O.  D.  Van  Camp  Girard 

E.  A.  Dempsey Bradford 

George  W.  Campbell Warren 

John  M.  Dale   Bellefontaine 

W.  H.  Baker Ridgeway 


RHODE  ISLAND. 

AT    LARGE. 

Charles  R.  Brayton Providence        Henry  E.  Tiepke Pawtucket 


Frank  F.  Carpenter Providence 

Charles    H.    Chid Providence 

Lucius  B.  Darling Pawtucket 


Elam  W.  Olney Providence 

Harry  C.  Curtis  Providence 

George  L.  Pierce Providence 


DISTRICTS. 

i— William  P.  Buffum Newport  Isaac  M.  Potter  Providence 

Joseph  C.  Fletcher Bristol  Samuel  L.  Peck  Warren 

2— B.  Frank  Robinson,  Jr..S.  Kingstown  Albert  S.  Babcock  Hopkinton 

Richard  Thornley East  Greenwich  Walter  E.  Spink Coventry 


76 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


SOUTH   CAROLINA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT    LARGE. 

E.  A.  Webster Columbia  A.    Lathrop    Orangeburg 

Robert  Smalls   Beaufort  S.   T.    Poinier   Spartanburg 

E.  H.   Deas    Darlington  R.  E.  Williams New  Berry 

R.  R.  Tolbert Abbeville  A.  S.  Johnson Aiken 


DISTRICTS. 


i — G.  I.  Cuningham Charleston 

W.  D.  Crum Charleston 

2 — E.  J.  Dickerson  Aiken 

W.  S.  Dixon  Barnwell 

3 — E.   F.  Cochran   Anderson 

A.  C.  Marrick   Walhalla 

4 — J.  F.  Ensor   Columbia 

B.  F.   Means   Spartanburg 

5— J.  F.  Jones Blacksburg 

W.  E.  Boykin Camden 

6 — Joshua  E.  Wilson Florence 

W.  H.  Collier Marion 

7— J.  H.  Fordham  Orangeburg 

R.  M.  Wallace  ..  ...Sumter 


J.  A.  Baxter Georgetown 

J.   I.  Washington   Beaufort 

Arthur  A.  Simkins   Edgefield 

G.   G.   Butler   Barnwell 

W.  J.   Thomas    Seneca 

J.  W.  Tolbert   Greenwood 

B.  W.  Nance Winnsboro 

Frank   Nichols    Greenville 

F.   R.   Massey    Lancaster 

J.  C.  Atkinson Chester 

W.   R.  Jackson   Florence 

J.  R.  Levy Florence 

James  O.  Ladd Summerville 

J.  H.  Weston Congaree 


SOUTH  DAKOTA. 

AT    LARGE. 


Emil  Branch Hurley 

George   Rice    Flandreau 

L.  L.  Lostutter Iroquois 

A.  H.  Betts Alexandria 

C.   B.   Collins    Groton 

M.  P.  Beebe Ipswich 

James   Halley    Rapid   City 

G.   G.   Bennett   Deadwood 


C.  W.  Pratt   Edgerton 

Geo.    Cochran Dell   Rapids 

J.  C.  Sharp Iroquois 

C.  W.  Ainsworth   Alexandria 

D.  T.  Hindman Aberdeen 

J.    H.    Bottimo    Ipswich 

S.  C.  Lumis Custer 

Max  Blatt Sturgis 


TENNESSEE. 

AT    LARGE. 

Henry  R.  Gibson Knoxville        Alonzo   J.   Tyler Sneedville 


Foster  V.  Brown Chattanooga 

Geo.  N.  Tillman   Nashville 

John  E.  McCall Lexington 


Richard  W.  Austin   Knoxville 

George  W.    Porter    Clarksville 

Josiah  T.  Settle Memphis 


DISTRICTS. 


i — Walter  P.   Brownlow   Jonesboro 

George  McHenderson  Rutledge 

2— John  J.  Graham Jacksboro 

James  A.  Green London 

3— Newell  Sanders  Chattanooga 

T.  W.  Peace  Madisonville 

4— John  E.  Oliver  Cabbatha 

Blanton  W.  Burford  Lebanon 

5— Ernest  Coldwell  Shelbyville 

James  J.  Elliott Murfreesboro 

6— A.  W.  Wills  Nashville 

I.  W.  Pitts Clarksville 

7 — John  W.  Jackson  Columbia 

James  C.  Hickman Lynnville 


Benjamin  W.  Hooper   Newport 

William  H.  Nelson Backwoods 

Samuel  P.  Sparks   Kingston 

Samuel   M.   Pickens    Cusick's 

F.  L.  Mansfield   Athens 

J.  C.  Hale   Winchester 

Solon   Robinson    Jamestown 

Claire  V.  Guinn   Hartsville 

J.  Mack.  Eakin   Fayetteville 

Chas.  Heidenberg Tullahoma 

John  L.  Barbour Nashville 

E.   F.   Peck   Dover 

John  Turman    Waynesboro 

J.  S.   Beasley   Centreville 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL   CONVENTION.                       77 

TENNESSE— Continued. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 
DISTRICTS. 

8— F.  S.  Elgin Selmer        W.  M.  Bray Henderson 

S.  W.   Hawkins   Huntingdon        A.   A.  Watson   Savannah 

9—  D.    A.    Nunn Brownsville        T.   H.  Johnson   Halls 

G.    T.    Taylor Union   City        J.  F.  Booker Union  City 

10 — R.    R.    Church    Memphis        G.  A.   Boyd   Mason 

J.  W.  Dutro Memphis        Thomas  C.   Phelan   Memphis 

TEXAS. 

AT    LARGE. 

R.   B.   Hawley   Galveston        R.  E.  Hanney Hempstead 

E.  H.  R.  Green Terrell        Geo.    Moore    Brownsville 

Charles  M.  Ferguson San  Antonio        J.  A.   Smith    El  Paso 

M.   M.   Rodgers    LaGrange        A.   L.   Maynard   Lockhart 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Waller  Burns    Houston        R.  B.  Smith   Treamer 

J.    Atkins    Navasota        W.  M.  Green Houston 

2— Geo.  W.  Burkett Palestine        Theo.  Miller Rusk 

William    Sanders    Nacogdoches        H.    L.    Price    Palestine 

3 — C.   C.    Flannagan    Henderson        J.  M.  Gurley Greenbille 

U.   G.   Roach   Celeste        J.  W.  Yates   Longview 

4— J.  A.  Blackwell.  B.  C.  Browning. 

H.  G.  Goree.  H.  W.   Walker. 

5— G.  A.   Knight   Belcheville        H.  C.  Bell Benton 

W.    H.    Love    McKinney        H.  J.  Hendricks   Gainesville 

6 — Eugene  Marshall.  G.  W.  McCormick. 

W.  E.  King.  G.  \V.  Lanier. 

7 — C.    A.    Boynton    Waco        D.  R.  Emerson Marlin 

G.  W.  Sledge   Cameron        R  E.   Hendricks    Calbert 

8— W.   C.    Forbess    \Veatherford        J.   N.  Deal   Fort  Worth 

Harry  Harris    Yatesville        J.  Will  Bynum    Brownwood 

9— J.   G.   Hornberger   Austin        C.  V.  Compton Taylor 

J.  T.  Harris   Brenham        D.  N.  McCoy Giddings 

10— H.   C.   Heilig   LaGrange        W.  J.  Miller   Hallettsville 

H.  C.  Ferguson Richmond        N.   H.  Haller   Angleton 

ii— C.  G.  Brewster   Laredo        F.  W.  Groce Victoria 

D.    Abner,   Jr Seguin        G.   R.   Townsend    Victoria 

12— C.  C.  Drake Eagle  Pass        Peter  Geib    Del   Rio 

W.  G.  Robinson San  Antonio        J.  S.   Cameron   San  Antonio 

13— J.    G.    Lowdon    Abilene        R.  O.  Rector Abilene 

C.  K.  McDowell Dickens        T.    F.    Berner    Henrietta 

UTAH. 

AT    LARGE. 

C.   E.  Loose   Provo        John  Meteer    Richfield 

Arthur  Brown   Salt  Lake  City        Stephen  H.  Love   Salt  Lake  City 

George  M.  Hanson   Ogden        Ephraim    Homer    Provo 

Heber  M.  Wells Salt  Lake  City        W.  H.  Clark Salt  Lake  City 

George  Sutherland   Salt  Lake  City        E.   P.   Ellison    Layton 

Thomas  Kearns Park  City        Mrs.  W.  H.  Jones   Salt  Lake  City 


78  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

VERMONT. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT     LARGE. 

John  G.  McCullough North  Bennington        George  T.  Chaff ee Rutland 

Henry  C.   Bates   _..St.  Johnsbury        George  T.  Howard   Craftsbury 

Edward  Wells   Burlington       Jacob  B.  Hindes  Vergennes 

Levant  M.  Reed   Rockingham        Curtis    S.    Henry    Chelsea 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Wm.  N.  Platt Shoreham  Frank  Kenfield Norristown 

Emery  M.  Brown Sheldon  Henry  O.  Carpenter Rutland 

3— W.  H.  H.  Slack  Springfield  F.  W.  Billings .Woodstock 

E.  M.  Bartlett Brighton  G.  W.  Randall Waterbury 

VIRGINIA. 

AT     LARGE. 

Park   Agnew    Alexandria  J.  Hampton  Hoge   Roanoke 

James  A.  Walker  Wytheville  A.  P.  Funkhouser Harrisonburg 

James  D.  Brady  Petersburg  W.  H.  C.  Brown Newport  News 

S.  Brown  Allen   Staunton  J.  J.  Alley   Gate  City 

DISTRICTS. 

i— C.  G.  Smithers Cape  Charles  Josephus   Trader    Fichetts 

Samuel  E.  Pitts  Baity  W.  H.  Parker Onancock 

2— Geo.  E.  Bowden  Norfolk  S.  L.  Burroughs Portsmouth 

W.  S.  Hollend Windsor  W.  H.  Thoroughgood  Norfolk 

3— Morgan  Treat  West  Point  E.  P.  Murphy Richmond 

J.  R.  Pollard Richmond  R.  E.  Jones Richmond 

4 — R.  T.  Thorpe  Boydton  W.  F.  Jones  Lawrenceville 

A.  W.  Harris  Petersburg  H.  L.  Jackson Blackstone 

5— Charles  P.  Smith Martinsville  M.  O.  Cornett Independence 

V.  M.  Sowder Floyd,  C.  H.  J.  H.  Pigg  Chatham 

6 — S.  E.  Sproul Roanoke  G.  S.  Fitzwater Christiansburg 

J.  C.  Carter Houston  Adolphus  Humbles  Lynchburg 

7— C.  M.  Gibbens Winchester  Charles  L.  Estes  Barryville 

C.  A.  R.  Moore Mt.  Jackson  Chas.  L.  Holtzman  Luray 

8— Harry  W.  Eamick Lovettsville  B.  F.  Ellenger  Remington 

R.  R.  Homer Warrenton  F.  T.  Johnson  Stafford's  Store 

9— Stuart  F.  Lindsey Bristol  Robert  W.  Blair Wytheville 

A.  P.  Gillespie  Tazewell  R.  M.  Calfee  Pulaski 

ID— W.  C.  Franklin Pamplin  City  W.  H.  Shaw Lexington 

C.   P.  Nair Clifton  Forge  Robert  Southall   Staunton 

WASHINGTON. 

AT    LARGE. 

Levi  Ankeny   Walla  Walla  Charles  E.  Coon Fort  Townsend 

L.   A.   Sims    Kalama  J.   S.   Miers   Republic 

E.  C.  Neufelder Seattle  J.  W.  Bean   Ellenburg 

George  H.  Baker Goldendale  A.  S.  Lindsey Wenatchee 

J.  M.   Ashton   Tacoma  L.  A.  Kennedy Ritzville 

N.   B.   Coffman Chehalis  S.  G.  Cosgrove Pomeroy 

Herbert  S.  Conner La  Conner  E.    Baumesiter    Asotin 

E.   J.    Hayfield    Colfax  M.  E.  Hay   Wilbur 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL   CONVENTION.                       79 

WEST  VIRGINIA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT    LARGE. 

George  W.  Curtin   Button        F.  H.  Blake Moundsville 

Samuel  H.   Gramm    Grafton        C.  A.  Whiteshot Mannington 

J.  Eugene  Dana   Charleston        S.    F.   Morris    Eckman 

Edward  H.  Flynn Spencer        C.  H.  Payne Huntington 

DISTRICTS. 

i— Morris  Horkheimer Wheeling        Andrew  Carney Wheeling 

Daniel  U.  O'Brien  Glenville  W.  F.  Morrison  Sutton 

2— John  D.  Rigg  Terra  Alta  A.  W.  Wight  Morgantown 

L.  J.  Forman  Petersburg  S.  C.  Cross  Berkeley  Springs 

3— Philip  Doodwill  Bramwell  J.  W.  Heavener Buckhannon 

M.  J.  Simms Montgomery  John  H.  Hill  Institute 

4— W.  W.  Monroe  Parkersburg  R.  A.  Riggs Point  Pleasant 

Eugene  M.  Campbell Huntington        T.  B.  McClure   Wayne 

WISCONSIN. 

AT    LARGE. 

Joseph  B.  Treat  Monroe        Charles  H.  Baxter  Lancaster 

H.  Augustus   Luedtke Milwaukee       Andrew  J.  Frame Waukesha 

Isaac    Stephenson    Marinette        John  L.   Erdall   Madison 

James  H.  Stout Menomonie        N.   C.   Foster   Fairchild 

DISTRICTS. 

i — James   Reynolds    Lake   Geneva        John  Luchinger   Monroe 

James  Hoskins Darlington        B.  B.  Blake Racine 

2— A.   A.   Porter    Portage        W.  H.  Proctor  Portage 

George  J.  Kispert Jefferson        A.  R.  Hoard Fort  Atkinson 

3— L.  H.   Bancroft Richland  Centre        W.   A.   Warren    Baraboo 

Samuel  W.  Reese    Dodgeville        Matt  D.  Pitman Boscobel 

4 — Bernard    Leidersdorf    Milwaukee        Irving  M.  Bean Milwaukee 

W.  H.  Stevens  Milwaukee        C.  W.  Milbrath Milwaukee 

5— John  R.  Dennett Pt.  Washington        Ed.    Foster    Waukesha 

Chas.   Elkert   Milwaukee        John  J.  Kempf Milwaukee 

6 — E.  G.  Nash Manitowoc        Karl   D.   Jackson    Oshkosh 

H.  A.  Winslow Fond  du  Lac       Ira  P.  Coon   Plainfield 

7— James  T.  Barber Eau  Claire        E.   A.   Miller    Hixton 

Levi  Withee    La  Crosse        W.  L.  House   Tomah 

8 — George  L.  Rodgers Steven  Point        J.  J.  Nelson  Amherst 

Peter  Thorn   Appleton        A.   J.   Simpich    Appleton- 

9— Walter   Alexander    Wausau        John  Friend    Antigo 

B.  W.  Davis Phillipps        W.   J.   Davis    Marinette 

10— R.   L.   McCormick    Hayward        i  had.  C.  Pound   Chippewa 

John  T.  Murphy Superior        S.  A.  Peterson Rice  Lake 

WYOMING. 

AT    LARGE. 

Frances  E.  Warren   Cheyenne        Edward  W.   Stone Cheyenne 

Clarence  D.  Clarke  Evanston        Thomas  D.   Bebb    Buffalo 

Frank  W.   Mondell    New  Castle        F.   E.   Rounds   Sundance 

DeForrest  Richard   Douglas        J.  G.  Cosgriff Rawlins 

J.  L.  Torrey   Embar       A.  A.   Spaugh   Mauville 

George  C.  Gobel   Rock  Springs        John  D.   McGill   Rock  Creek 


80  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

ALASKA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT    LARGE. 

John  G.  Heid Junea        Edward   de    Graffe    Sitka 

W.  D.  Grant Wrangel        J.   F.   Collins   Wrangel 

ARIZONA. 

AT     LARGE. 

Charles  H.  Akers    Phoenix        O.   D.   M.   Gaddis    Kingman 

Charles   R.    Drake Tucson        W.   H.   Clark   Holbrook 

John  W.   Dorrington    Yuma        R.   A.    F.    Penrose    Pearce 

Frank  Dysart Solomonville        Thomas  F  Grindell Phoenix 

J.  L.  Hubbel   St.  Johns        George   Christy    Phoenix 

J.   A.   Vail    Flagstaff        Charles    F.    Solomon    Solomonville 

DISTRICT   OF   COLUMBIA. 

AT    LARGE. 

John   E.   Jones    Washington        Geo.  E.  Emmons   Washington 

W.  Calvin  Chase Washington        Lucius  H.  Peterson Washington 

NEW   MEXICO. 

AT     LARGE. 

Miguel  A.  Otero   Santa  Fe  Robert   P.    Ervien    Clayton 

E.  A.  Cahoon   Roswell  R.  C.  Gortner Santa  Fe 

Secundino  Romero Las  Vegas  Henry  D.  Bowman   Las  Cruces 

Frank  A.   Hubbell    Albuquerque  David  J.  Lehy Raton 

Juan  Santisteven   Taos  J.  M.   Sandoval   Albuquerque 

Abram   Abeytia    Socorro  L.  Sollenberger Hillsboro 

OKLAHOMA. 

AT    LARGE. 

John  R.  Tate Blackwell  S.  C.  Eckhard El  Reno 

J.    G.    Pringey Harvey  P.   F.  Tyler   Watonga 

C.   H.  Thompson   Guthrie  Frank  T.  Cook Cloud  Chief 

W.  J.   French   Alva  I.   F.  Norris   Orlando 

G.  G.  Baker Britton  J.  M.  Van  Winkle   Shawnee 

J.   W.   McNeal    Guthrie  R.   A.   Southard   Perry 

HAWAII. 

AT     LARGE. 

S.    Parker    Honolulu 

A.  N.  Kepoikai   Honolulu 

INDIAN   TERRITORY. 

P.  L.  Soper Vinita,  Cherokee  Nation        C.  W.  Poole Chelsea,  Cherokee  Nation 

E.  J.   Fannin.S.  McAlester,  Choctaw  Nat.        D.  Thomas Talihina,  Choctaw  Nation 

A.  F.  Parkinson.  .  .Wagoner,  Creek  Nation  A.  G.  W.  Sango.  .Muscogee,  Creek  Nation 

W.  L.  McWilliams.  .Miami,  Quapaw  Ag'y        Wm.   Logan Miami,    Quapaw  Agency 

C.  L.  Long Wowoka,  Seminole  Nation  C.  A.   Bruner.  .  .Econtuchka,   Seminole  N. 

Chas.  M.  Campbell. Ardmore,  Chicasaw  N.  W.   C.    Blanchard.  .Purcell,   Chickasaw   N. 

Mr.  SERENO  E.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  on  behalf  of  a 
majority  of  the  delegates  from  the  State  of  New  York  I  demand  the  pre 
vious  question  on  the  adoption  of  the  report. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  81 

Mr.  WILLIAM  J.  SEWELL,  of  New  Jersey. — On  the  part  of  New  Jersey  I 
second  the  demand. 

Mr.  SYDNEY  E.  MUDD,  of  Maryland. — I  second  the  demand  on  behalf 
of  Maryland. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  demand  for  the  previous  question 
being  seconded  by  two  States,  the  question  is,  shall  it  be  ordered? 

The  previous  question  was  ordered. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — There  will  be  forty  minutes  of  debate 
upon  the  question  of  agreeing  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Creden 
tials.  Twenty  minutes  of  the  time  will  be  allotted  by  the  Hon.  Sereno  E. 
Payne,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  and  the  other  twenty 
minutes  should  be  equitably  divided  among  the  minority,  representing  the 
differing  sides. 

Mr.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — I  reserve  my  time.  I  do  not  know  that  any 
debate  will  be  required. 

(Cries  of  "Question!"     "Question!") 

Mr.  H.  V.  CASHIN,  of  Alabama. — Before  the  question  is  put,  I  wish  to 
call  attention  to  an  error  in  the  report  of  the  Committee  in  reference  to 
the  delegation  from  Alabama.  The  report  shows  that  two  of  the  delegates 
are  alternates.  It  is  merely  a  clerical  error,  which  can  be  easily  corrected. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  clerical  error  has  already  been  cor 
rected  by  the  Secretary.  If  no  one  desires  to  debate  the  matter  the  ques 
tion  is  on  agreeing  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  report  was  agreed  to. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  order  of  business  is  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization.  Is  the  Committee  ready 
to  report? 

Mr.  CHARLES  H.  GROSVENOR,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen, 
the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  submit  the  report  which  I 
hold  in  my  hand.  They  have  selected  for  Permanent  Chairman  of  the 
Convention  the  Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts.  (Applause.) 
I  ask  that  the  report  be  read. 

The  report  was  read  as  follows: 
To   the   HON.    EDWARD    O.    WOLCOTT,    Temporary    Chairman: 

The  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  begs  leave  to  report  the  following,  for 
the  permanent  officers  of  the  convention: 

Permanent  Chairman,  Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts 
6 


82  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

OFFICE  OF  THE  SECRETARY. 

General   Secretary,  Hon.   Charles  W.  Johnson,  of  Minneapolis,   Minnesota. 
Assistant  Secretaries,   John  R.   Malloy,   of   Columbus,   Ohio. 

John  R.  Beam,  of  Paterson,  New  Jersey. 

Lucien   Grey,   of   Lewistown,   Illinois. 

Gardner  P.   Stickney,  of  Milwaukee,   Wisconsin. 

James    F.    Burke,    of   Pittsburg,    Pennsylvania. 

W.  B.  Bauchman,  of  Bluff  City,  Tennessee. 

Warren  Bigler,  of  Wabash,  Indiana. 

John   Q.   Royce,   of   Phillipsburg,   Kansas. 

F.   S.   Gaylord,  of  Connecticut. 

D.  C.  Kolp,  of  Iowa  Park,  Texas. 
Reading  Clerks,              Dennis   E.   Alward,   of   Michigan. 

E.  L.    Lampson,    of   Jefferson,    Ohio. 
James   H.    Stone,    of   Detroit,    Michigan. 
H.   L.   Remmel,   of   Little   Rock,   Arkansas. 

Clerk  at  President's  Desk,  Asher  C.   Hinds,  of  Portland,  Maine. 
Official   Reporter,   Milton  W.   Blumenberg,  of  Illinois. 
Tally  Clerks,  J.  Herbert  Potts,  of  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey. 

George  R.  Butlin,  of  Omaha,  Nebraska. 

Messengers  to   Secretary,    Griffin   Halstead,   C.   W.    DeKnight. 
Messenger  to   Chairman,   Joseph  W.    Young. 

OFFICE  OF  THE  SERGEANT  AT  ARMS. 

Sergeant  at  Arms,   George   N.    Wiswell,   of   Milwaukee,   Wisconsin. 
Chief   Organizer,    David   C.    Owen,   of  Milwaukee,   Wisconsin. 
First   Assistant    Chief  of   Staff,   W.   W.   Johnson,    of   Baltimore,    Maryland. 
Second    Assistant    Chief   of    Staff,    Maj.    W.    P.    Huxford,    of   Connecticut,    residence 

Washington,   D.   C. 

Master  of   Doors,   Samuel   Kercheval,   of   Indianapolis,    Indiana. 
Assistant  Master  of  Doors,   Earle  D.   Sweetwood,  of  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin. 

We  also  recommend  an  honorary  Vice  President  for  each  State,  to  be  furnished  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Convention  for  the  journal  of  proceedings. 

Mr.  GROSVENOR,  of  Ohio.— I  move  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Permanent  Organization. 

The  report  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE  TO  ESCORT  THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  appoints  as  a  committee  to 
escort  the  Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  to  the  platform,  Governor  Shaw,  of 
Iowa,  and  Governor  Roosevelt,  of  New  York. 

The  committee  appointed  by  the  Temporary  Chairman  escorted  Mr. 
Lodge  to  the  platform. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  have  the 
honor  to  present  as  vour  Permanent  Chairman  Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 
(Applause.) 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 

ADDRESS  OF  THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Hon.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge).— Gentlemen  of 
the  Convention:  One  of  the  greatest  honors  that  can  fall  to  any  American 
in  public  life  is  to  be  called  to  preside  over  a  Republican  National  Con 
vention.  How  great  that  honor  is  you  know,  but  you  cannot  realize,  nor 
can  I  express  the  gratitude  which  I  feel  to.  you  for  having  conferred  it 
upon  me.  I  can  only  say  to  you,  in  the  simplest  phrase,  that  I  thank  you 
from  the  bottom  of  my  heart.  "Beggar  that  I  am,  I  am  even  poor  in  thanks, 
and  yet  I  thank  you."  (Applause.) 

We  meet  again  to  nominate  the  next  President  of  the  United  States. 
(Applause.)  Four  years  have  passed  since  we  nominated  the  soldier  and 
statesman  who  is  now  President,  and  who  is  soon  to  enter  upon  his  second 
term.  Since  the  Civil  War  no  Presidential  term  has  been  so  crowded  with 
great  events  as  that  which  is  now  drawing  to  a  close.  They  have  been  four 
memorable  years.  To  Republicans  they  show  a  record  of  promises  kept, 
of  work  done,  of  unforeseen  questions  met  and  answered.  To  the  Democrats 
they  have  been  generous  in  the  exhibition  of  unfulfilled  predictions,  in 
the  ruin  of  their  hopes  of  calamity,  and  in  futile  opposition  to  the  forces 
of  the  times  and  the  aspirations  of  the  American  people.  I  wish  I  could 
add  that  they  had  been  equally  instructive  to  our  opponents,  but  while 
it  is  true  that  the  Democrats,  like  the  Bourbons,  learn  nothing,  it  is  only 
too  evident  that  the  familiar  comparison  cannot  be  completed,  for  they 
forget  a  great  deal  which  it  would  be  well  for  them  to  remember.  (Ap 
plause.) 

In  1897  we  took  the  government  and  the  country  from  the  hands  of 
President  Cleveland.  His  party  had  abandoned  him  and  were  joined  to 
their  idols,  of  which  he  was  no  longer  one.  During  the  last  years  of  his 
term  we  had  presented  to  us  the  melancholy  spectacle  of  a  President  try 
ing  to  govern  without  a  party.  The  result  was  that  his  policies  were  in 
ruin,  legislation  was  at  a  standstill  and  public  affairs  were  in  a  perilous 
and  incoherent  condition.  Party  responsibility  had  vanished,  and  with  it 
all  possibility  of  intelligent  action,  demanded  by  the  country  at  home  and 
abroad.  It  was  an  interesting  but  by  no  means  singular  display  of  Demo 
cratic  unfitness  for  the  practical  work  of  government.  To  the  political 
student  it  was  instructive,  to  the  country  it  was  extremely  painful,  to  busi 
ness  disastrous. 

We  replaced  this  political  chaos  with  a  President  in  thorough  accord 
with  his  party,  and  the  machinery  of  government  began  again  to  move 
smoothly  and  effectively.  Thus  we  kept  at  once  our  promise  of  better  and 
more  efficient  administration.  (Applause.)  In  four  months  after  the  in 
auguration  of  President  McKinley  we  had  passed  a  tariff  bill.  For  ten 
years  the  artificial  agitation,  in  behalf  of  what  was  humorously  called 
tariff  reform,  and  of  what  was  really  free  trade,  had  kept  business  in  a  fer 
ment,  and  had  brought  a  treasury  deficit,  paralyzed  industries,  depression, 
panic,  and,  finally,  continuous  bad  times  to  a  degree  never  before  imagined. 


84  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Would  you  know  the  result  of  our  tariff  legislation,  look  about  you!  Would 
you  measure  its  success,  recollect  that  it  is  no  longer  an  issue;  that  our 
opponents,  free  traders  as  they  are,  do  not  dare  to  make  it  an  issue;  that 
there  is  not  a  State  in  the  Union  to-day  which  could  be  carried  for  free 
trade  against  protection.  Never  was  a  policy  more  fully  justified  by  its 
works,  never  was  a  promise  made  by  any  party  more  absolutely  fulfilled. 
(Applause.) 

Dominant  among  the  issues  of  four  years  ago  was  that  of  our  monetary 
and  financial  system.  The  Republican  party  promised  to  uphold  our  credit, 
to  protect  our  currency  from  revolution,  and  to  maintain  the  gold  standard. 
(Applause.)  We  have  done  so.  We  have  done  more.  We  have  been 
better  than  our  promise.  Failing  to  secure,  after  honest  effort,  any  en 
couragement  for  international  bimetallism,  we  have  passed  a  law  strength 
ening  the  gold  standard  and  planting  it  more  firmly  than  ever  in  our  finan 
cial  system,  improving  our  banking  laws,  buttressing  our  credit,  and  re 
funding  the  public  debt  at  two  per  cent,  interest,  the  lowest  rate  in  the 
world.  (Applause).  It  was  a  great  work  well  done.  The  only  argument 
the  Democrats  can  advance  to-day  in  their  own  behalf  on  the  money  ques 
tion  is  that  a  Republican  Senate,  in  the  event  of  Democratic  success, 
would  not  permit  the  repeal  of  a  Republican  law.  (Laughter.)  This  is  a 
precious  argument  when  looked  at  with  considerate  eyes,  and  quite  worthy 
of  the  intellects  which  produced  it.  Apply  it  generally.  Upon  this  theory 
because  we  have  defeated  the  soldiers  of  Spain  and  sunk  her  ships  we  can 
with  safety  dispense  with  the  army  and  the  navy  which  did  the  work.  Take 
another  example.  There  has  been  a  fire  in  a  great  city;  it  has  been  checked 
and  extinguished,  therefore  let  us  abolish  the  fire  department  and  cease 
to  insure  our  homes.  (Laughter.)  Distrust  in  our  currency,  the  dread  of 
change,  the  deadly  fear  of  a  debased  standard  were  raging  four  years  ago 
and  business  lay  prostrate  before  them.  Republican  supremacy  and  Re 
publican  legislation  have  extinguished  the  fires  of  doubt  and  fear  and 
business  has  risen  triumphant  from  the  ashes.  (Applause.)  Therefore 
abolish  your  fire  department,  turn  out  the  Republicans  and  put  in  power 
the  incendiaries  who  lighted  the  flames  and  trust  to  what  remains  of  Re 
publican  control  to  avert  fresh  disaster.  (Applause.)  The  proposition  is 
its  own  refutation.  The  supremacy  of  the  party  that  has  saved  the  stand 
ard  of  sound  money  and  guarded  it  by  law  is  as  necessary  for  its  security 
and  for  the  existence  of  honest  wages  and  of  business  confidence  now  as 
it  was  in  1896.  The  moment  the  Republican  party  passes  from  power  and 
the  party  of  free  silver  and  fiat  paper  comes  in,  stable  currency  and  the 
gold  standard,  the  standard  of  the  civilized  world,  are  in  imminent  and 
deadly  peril.  Sound  currency  and  a  steady  standard  of  value  are  to-day  safe 
only  in  Republican  hands.  (Applause.) 

But  there  were  still  other  questions  in  1896.  We  had  already  thwarted 
the  efforts  of  the  Cleveland  administration  to  throw  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
back  to  their  dethroned  Queen,  and  to  give  England  a  foothold  for  her 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  85 

cables  in  the  group.  We  then  said  that  we  would  settle  finally  the  Hawaiian 
question.  We  have  done  so.  The  traditional  American  policy  has  been 
carried  out.  The  flag  of  the  Union  floats  to-day  over  the  crossroads  of  the 
Pacific,  and  her  representatives  sit  with  you  in  this  hall.  (Applause.) 

We  promised  to  deal  with  the  Cuban  question.  Again  comes  the  reply, 
we  have  done  so.  The  long  agony  of  the  island  is  over.  Cuba  is  free. 
(Applause.)  But  this  great  work  brought  with  it  events  and  issues  which 
no  man  had  foreseen,  for  which  no  party  creed  had  provided  a  policy.  The 
crisis  came,  bringing  war  in  its  train.  The  Republican  President  and  the 
Republican  Congress  met  the  new  trial  in  the  old  spirit.  We  fought  the 
war  with  Spain.  The  result  is  history  known  of  all  men.  (Applause.) 
We  have  the  perspective  now  of  only  a  short  two  years,  and  yet  how  clear 
and  bright  the  great  facts  stand  out,  like  mountain  peaks  against  the  sky, 
while  the  gathering  darkness  of  a  just  oblivion  is  creeping  fast  over  the 
low  grounds  where  lie  forgotten  the  trivial  and  unimportant  things,  the 
criticisms  and  the  fault  findings,  which  seemed  so  huge  when  we  still 
lingered  among  them.  Here  they  are,  these  great  facts:  a  war  of  a  hun 
dred  days  with  many  victories  and  no  defeats,  with  no  prisoners  taken 
from  us  and  no  advance  stayed,  with  a  triumphant  outcome  startling  in  its 
completeness  and  in  its  world  wide  meaning.  (Applause.)  Was  ever  a 
war  more  justly  entered  upon,  more  quickly  fought,  more  fully  won,  mere 
thorough  in  its  results?  (Applause.)  Cuba  is  free.  Spain  has  been  driven 
from  the  Western  Hemisphere.  Fresh  glory  has  come  to  our  arms  and 
crowned  our  flag.  It  was  the  work  of  the  American  people,  but  the 
Republican  party  was  their  instrument.  (Applause.)  Have  we  not  the 
right  to  say  that,  here  too,  even  as  in  the  days  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  we 
have  fought  a  good  fight,  we  have  kept  the  faith,  we  have  finished  the 
work.  (Applause.) 

War,  however,  is  ever  like  the  sword  of  Alexander.  It  cuts  the  knots. 
It  is  a  great  solvent  and  brings  many  results  not  to  be  foreseen.  The 
world  forces  unchained  in  war  perform  in  hours  the  work  of  years  of  quiet. 
(Applause.)  Spain  sued  for  peace.  How  was  that  peace  to  be  made?  The 
answer  to  this  great  question  had  to  be  given  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  We  were  victorious  in  Cuba,  in  Porto  Rico,  in  the  Phil 
ippines.  Should  we  give  these  islands  back  fo  Spain?  Never!  was  the 
President's  reply.  (Applause.)  Would  any  American  wish  that  he  had 
answered  otherwise?  Should  we  hand  them  over  to  some  other  power? 
Never!  was  again  the  answer.  Would  our  pride  and  self  respect  as  a  na 
tion  have  submitted  to  any  other  reply?  Should  we  turn  the  islands, 
where  we  had  destroyed  all  existing  sovereignty,  loose  upon  the  world 
to  be  a  prey  to  domestic  anarchy  and  the  helpless  spoil  of  some  other  na 
tion?  Again  the  inevitable  negative.  (Applause.)  Again  the  President 
answered  as  the  nation  he  represented  would  have  him  answer.  He  boldly 
took  the  islands,  took  them  knowing  well  the  burden  and  responsibility; 
took  them  from  a  deep  sense  of  duty  to  ourselves  and  others,  guided  by  a 


86  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

just  foresight  as  to  our  future  in  the  East,  and  with  an  entire  faith  in  the 
ability  of  the  American  people  to  grapple  with  the  new  task.  (Applause.) 
When  future  Conventions  point  to  the  deeds  by  which  the  Republican 
party  has  made  history,  they  will  proclaim  with  special  pride  that  under 
a  Republican  administration  the  war  of  1898  was  fought,  and  that  the  peace 
with  Spain  was  the  work  of  William  McKinley.  (Applause.) 

So  much  for  the  past.  We  are  proud  of  it,  but  we  do  not  expect  to  live 
upon  it,  for  the  Republican  party  is  pre-eminently  the  party  of  action, 
and  its  march  is  ever  forward.  (Applause.)  We  are  not  so  made  that  we 
can  be  content  to  retreat  or  to  mark  time.  The  traditions  of  the  early  days 
of  our  party  are  sacred  to  us,  and  are  hostages  given  to  the  American 
people  that  we  will  not  be  unworthy  of  the  great  leaders  who  have  gone. 
The  deeds  of  yesterday  are  in  their  turn  a  pledge  and  a  proof  that  what  we 
promise  we  perform,  and  that  the  people  who  put  faith  in  our  declarations 
in  1896  were  not  deceived,  and  may  place  the  same  trust  in  us  in  1900. 
(Applause.)  But  our  pathway  has  never  lain  among  dead  issues,  nor  have 
we  won  our  victories  and  made  history  by  delving  in  political  graveyards. 
(Applause.)  We  are  the  party  of  to-day,  with  cheerful  yesterdays  and 
confident  to-morrows.  (Applause.)  The  living  present  is  ours,  the  pres 
ent  of  prosperity  and  activity  in  business,  of  good  wages  and  quick  pay 
ments,  of  labor  employed  and  capital  invested,  of  sunshine  in  the  market 
place  and  the  stir  of  abounding  life  in  the  workshop  and  on  the  farm. 
(Applause.)  It  is  with  this  that  we  have  replaced  the  depression,  the 
doubts,  the  dull  business,  the  low  wages,  the  idle  labor,  the  frightened 
capital,  the  dark  clouds  which  overhung  industry  and  agriculture  in  1896. 
This  is  what  we  would  preserve,  so  far  as  sound  government  and  wise 
legislation  can  do  it.  This  is  what  we  brought  to  the  country  four  years 
ago.  This  is  what  we  offer  now. 

Again,  we  promise  that  the  protective  system  shall  be  maintained,  and 
that  our  great  industrial  interests  shall  go  on  their  way  unshaken  by  the 
dire  fear  of  tariff  agitation  and  of  changing  duties.  (Applause.)  Again 
we  declare  that  we  will  guard  the  national  credit,  uphold  a  sound  currency 
based  on  gold,  and  keep  the  wages  of  the  workingman,  and  the  enter 
prise  of  the  man  of  business,  free  from  that  most  deadly  of  all  evils,  a 
fluctuating  standard  of  value.  (Applause.)  The  deficit  which  made  this 
great  country  in  a  time  of  profound  peace  a  borrower  of  money  to  meet 
its  current  expenditures  has  been  replaced  by  abundant  revenue,  bringing 
a  surplus,  due  alike  to  prosperity  and  to  wise  legislation,  so  ample  that  we 
can  now  safely  promise  a  large  reduction  of  taxation  without  imperilling 
our  credit  or  risking  a  resort  to  loans.  (Applause.) 

We  are  prepared  to  take  steps  to  revive  and  build  up  our  merchant 
marine,  and  thus  put  into  American  pockets  the  money  paid  for  carrying 
American  freights.  (Applause.)  Out  of  the  abundant  resources,  which  our 
financial  legislation  has  brought  us,  we  will  build  the  Isthmian  Canal,  and 
lay  the  cables  which  will  help  to  turn  the  current  of  Eastern  trade  to  the 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  87 

Golden  Gate.  (Applause.)  We  are  on  good  terms  with  all  nations,  and 
mean  to  remain  so,  while  we  promise  to  insure  our  peace  and  safety  by 
maintaining  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  by  ample  coast  defences  and  by  building 
up  a  navy  which  no  one  can  challenge  with  impunity.  (Applause.) 

The  new  problems  brought  by  the  war  we  face  with  confidence  in  our 
selves,  and  a  still  deeper  confidence  in  the  American  people,  who  will  deal 
justly  and  rightly  with  the  islands  which  have  come  into  their  charge.     (Ap 
plause.)     The  outcry  against  our  new  possessions  is  as  empty  as  the  cant 
about  ''militarism"  and  "imperialism"  is  devoid  of  sense  and  meaning.     Re 
gard  for  a  moment  those  who  are  loudest  in  shrieking  that  the  American 
people  are  about  to  enter  upon  a  career  of  oppression  and  that  the  Re 
public  is  in  danger.     Have  they  been  in  the  past  the  guardians  of  freedom? 
Is  safety  for  liberty  now  to  be  found  most  surely  in  the  party  which  was 
the  defender  of  domestic  slavery?     Is  true  freedom  to  be  secured  by  the 
ascendancy  of  the  party  which  beneath  our  very  eyes  seeks!  to  establish 
through  infamous  laws  the  despotic  rule  of  a  small  and  unscrupulous  band 
of  usurpers  in   Kentucky   (applause),  who  trample    there    not    upon    the 
rights  of  the  black  men  but  of  the  whites  (applause),  and  which  seeks  to 
extend  the  same   system  to   North   Carolina  and   Missouri?     (Applause.) 
Has   it  suddenly   come  to   pass  that  the    Democratic   party   which  to-day 
aims  whenever  it  acquires  power  to  continue  in  office  by  crushing  out  hon 
est  elections  and  popular  rule;  has  it  indeed  come  to  pass,  I  say,  that  that 
party  is  the  chosen  protector  of  liberty?     If  it  were  so  the  outlook  would 
be  black  indeed.     No!     The  party  of  Lincoln  may  best  be  trusted  now,  as 
in  the  past,  to  be  true,  even  as  he  was  true,  to  the  rights  of  man  and  to 
human  freedom,  whether  within  the  borders  of  the  United  States  or  in  the 
islands  which  have  come  beneath  our  flag.    (Applause.)    The  liberators  may 
be  trusted  to  watch  over  the  liberated.     (Applause.)     We  who  freed  Cuba 
will  keep  the  pledge  we  made  to  her  and  will  guide  her  along  the  road  to 
independence  and  stable  government  until  she  is  ready  to  settle  her  own 
future  by  the  free  expression  of  her  people's  will.     (Applause.)     We  will 
be  faithful  to  the  trust  imposed  upon  us,  and  if  among  those  to  whom  this 
great  work  is  confided  in  Cuba,  or  elsewhere,  wrong  doers  shall  be  found, 
men  not  only  bad  in  morals  but  dead  to  their  duty  as  Americans  and  false 
to  the  honor  of  our  name,  we  will  punish  these  basest  of  criminals  to  the 
extent  of  the  law.     (Applause.) 

For  the  islands  of  Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico  the  political  problem  has 
been  solved,  and  by  Republican  legislation  they  have  been  given  self  gov 
ernment,  and  are  peaceful  and  prosperous  under  the  rule  of  the  United 
States.  (Applause.) 

In  the  Philippines  we  were  met  by  rebellion,  fomented  by  a  self-seeking 
adventurer  and  usurper.  The  duty  of  the  President  was  to  repress  that 
rebellion,  to  see  to  it  that  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  as  rightful 
and  as  righteous  in  Manila  as  in  Philadelphia,  was  acknowledged  and 
obeyed.  That  harsh  and  painful  duty  President  McKinley  has  performed 


88  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

firmly  and  justly,  eager  to  resort  to  gentle  measures  whenever  possible, 
unyielding  when  treachery  and  violence  made  force  necessary.  Unlike  the  op 
ponents  of  expansion  we  do  not  regard  the  soldiers  of  Otis  and  Lawton  and 
MacArthur  as  "an  enemy's  camp."  (Applause.)  In  our  eyes  they  are  the  sol 
diers  of  the  United  States,  they  are  our  army,  and  we  believe  in  them  and  will 
sustain  them.  (Applause.)  Even  now  the  Democrats  are  planning,  if  they 
get  control  of  the  House,  to  cut  off  appropriations  for  the  army  and  thus 
compel  the  withdrawal  of  our  troops  from  the  Philippines.  The  result 
would  be  to  force  the  retirement  of  such  soldiers  as  would  remain  to  Ma 
nila,  and  their  retreat  would  be  the  signal  for  the  massacre  and  plunder  of 
the  great  body  of  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  islands  who  have  trusted 
to  us  to  protect  and  guard  them.  Such  an  event  would  be  an  infamy.  (Ap 
plause.) 

Is  the  Government,  is  the  House,  to  be  given  over  to  a  party  capable 
of  such  a  policy?  Shall  they  not  rather  be  trusted  to  the  party  which  will 
sustain  the  army  and  suppress  the  brigands  and  guerrillas  who,  under  pre 
tence  of  war,  are  now  adding  so  freely  to  the  list  of  crimes  committed 
in  the  name  of  liberty  by  usurpers  and  pretenders,  and  who,  buoyed  up 
by  Democratic  promises,  keep  up  a  highwayman's  warfare  in  hope  of 
Democratic  success  in  November?  It  is  for  the  American  people  to  decide 
this  question.  Our  position  is  plain.  The  restoration  of  peace  and  order 
now  so  nearly  reached  in  the  Philippines  shall  be  completed.  (Applause.) 
Civil  government  shall  be  established,  and  the  people  advanced  as  rapidly 
as  possible  along  the  road  to  entire  freedom  and  to  self-government  under 
our  flag.  We  will  not  abandon  our  task.  We  will  neither  surrender  nor 
retreat.  (Applause.)  We  will  not  write  "failure"  across  this  page  of  our 
history.  We  will  do  our  duty,  our  full  duty,  to  the  people  of  the  Philip 
pines,  and  strive  by  every  means  to  give  them  freedom,  contentment  and 
prosperity.  (Applause.) 

We  have  no  belief  in  the  old  slaveholders'  doctrine  that  the  Constitution 
of  its  own  force  marches  into  every  newly  acquired  territory,  and  this 
doctrine,  which  we  cast  out  in  1860,  we  still  reject.  (Applause.)  We  do 
not  mean  that  the  Philippines  shall  come  without  our  tariff  system  or  be 
come  part  of  our  body  politic.  We  do  mean  that  they  shall,  under 
our  teaching,  learn  to  govern  themselves  and  remain  under  our  flag  with 
the  largest  possible  measure  of  home  rule.  (Applause.) 

We  make  no  "hypocritical  pretence  of  being  interested  in  the  Philippines 
solely  on  account  of  others.  While  we  regard  the  welfare  of  these  people 
as  a  sacred  trust,  we  regard  the  welfare  of  the  American  people  first.  We 
see  our  duty  to  ourselves  as  well  as  to  others.  We  believe  in  trade  ex 
pansion.  By  every  legitimate  means  within  the  province  of  government 
and  legislation  we  mean  to  stimulate  the  expansion  of  our  trade  and  to 
open  new  markets.  Greatest  of  all  markets  is  China.  Our  trade  there  is 
growing  by  leaps  and  bounds.  Manila,  the  prize  of  war,  gives  us  inesti 
mable  advantages  in  developing  that  trade.  To-day,  when  our  legations 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  89-' 

are  in  danger,  when  our  missionaries  are  assailed  and  our  Consuls  threat 
ened,  it  is  well  indeed  that  we  have  ships  in  the  Bay  of  Manila  and  troops 
that  we  can  send  to  protect  our  own.  (Applause.) 

Manila  is  the  corner-stone  of  our  Eastern  policy,  and  the  brilliant  di 
plomacy  of  John  Hay  in  securing  from  all  nations  a  guarantee  of  our  treaty 
rights  and  of  the  open  door  in  China  rests  upon  it.  (Applause.) 

We  ask  the  American  people  whether  they  will  throw  away  these  new 
markets  and  widening  opportunities  for  trade  and  commerce,  by  putting 
in  power  the  Democratic  party,  who  seek  under  cover  of  a  newly  discov 
ered  affection  for  the  rights  of  man,  to  give  up  these  islands  of  the  East 
and  make  Dewey's  victory  fruitless?  The  choice  lies  between  this  Demo 
cratic  policy  of  retreat  and  the  Republican  policy  which  would  hold  the 
islands,  give  them  freedom  and  prosperity,  and  enlarge  these  great  oppor 
tunities  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity.  (Applause.)  The  Democratic 
attitude  toward  the  Philippines  rests  wholly  upon  the  proposition  that  the 
American  people  have  neither  the  capacity  nor  the  honesty  to  deal  rightly 
with  these  islands.  They  assume  that  we  shall  fail.  They  fall  down  and 
worship  a  Chinese  half-breed  whose  name  they  had  never  heard  three  years- 
ago,  and  they  slander,  and  cry  down,  and  doubt  the  honor  of  American 
soldiers  and  sailors,  of  Admirals  and  Generals,  and  public  men  who  have 
gone  in  and  out  before  us  during  an  entire  lifetime.  (Applause.) 

We  are  true  to  our  own.  We  have  no  distrust  of  the  honor,  the  humanity, 
the  capacity  of  the  American  people.  (Applause.)  To  feel  or  do  otherwise 
is  to  doubt  ourselves,  our  government  and  our  civilization.  We  take  issue 
with  the  Democrats  who  would  cast  off  the  Philippines  because  the  Ameri 
can  people  cannot  be  trusted  with  them,  and  we  declare  that  the  American; 
people  can  be  trusted  to  deal  justly,  wisely  and  generously  with  these  dis 
tant  islands  and  will  lift  them  up  to  a  higher  prosperity,  a  broader  freedom 
and  a  nobler  civilization  than  they  have  ever  known.  (Applause.)  We  have 
not  failed  elsewhere.  We  shall  not  fail  here.  (Applause.) 

Those  are  the  questions  we  present  to  the  American  people  in  regard  to 
the  Philippines.  Do  they  want  such  a  humiliating  change  there  as  Demo 
cratic  victory  would  bring?  Do  they  want  an  even  more  radical  change  at. 
home?  Suppose  the  candidate  of  the  Democrats,  the  Populists,  the  foes 
of  expansion,  the  dissatisfied  and  the  envious  should  come  into  power,. 
what  kind  of  an  administration  would  he  give  us?  What  would  his  Cabinet 
be?  Think  what  an  electric  spark  of  confidence  would  run  through  every 
business  interest  in  the  country  when  such  a  Cabinet  was  announced  as 
we  can  readily  imagine  he  would  make.  More  important  still  we  ask  the 
American  people  whether  they  will  put  in  the  White  House  the  hero  of 
uncounted  platforms,  the  prodigal  spendthrift  of  words,  the  champion  of 
free  silver,  the  opponent  of  expansion,  the  assailant  of  the  courts;  or 
whether  they  will  retain  in  the  Presidency  the  Union  soldier,  the  leader 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  trained  statesman  who  has  borne  vic 
toriously  the  heavy  burdens  of  the  last  four  years;  the  champion  of  protec- 


90  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

tion  and  sound  money,  the  fearless  supporter  of  law  and  order  wherever 
the  flag  floats.     (Applause.) 

But  there  is  one  question  which  we  will  put  to  the  American  people  in 
this  campaign  which  includes  and  outweighs  all  others.  We  will  say  to 
them,  you  were  in  the  depths  of  adversity  under  the  last  administration; 
you  are  on  the  heights  of  prosperity  to-day.  Will  that  prosperity  continue 
if  you  make  a  change  in  your  President  and  in  the  party  which  administers 
your  government?  How  long  will  your  good  times  last  if  you  turn  out 
the  Republicans  and  give  political  power  to  those  who  cry  nothing  but 
"Woe!  Woe!"  the  lovers  of  calamity  and  foes  of  prosperity,  who  hold 
success  in  business  to  be  a  crime  and  regard  thrift  as  a  misdemeanor?  If 
the  Democrats  should  win  do  you  think  business  would  improve?  Do 
you  think  prices  would  remain  steady,  that  wages  would  rise  and  employ 
ment  increase  when  the  result  of  the  election  was  known?  Business  con 
fidence  rests  largely  upon  sentiment.  Do  you  think  that  sentiment  would 
be  a  hopeful  one  the  day  after  Bryan's  election?  Business  confidence  is  a 
delicate  plant.  Do  you  think  it  would  flourish  with  the  Democratic  party? 
Do  you  know  that  if  Bryan  were  elected  the  day  after  the  news  was 
flashed  over  the  country  wages  would  go  down,  prices  would  decline,  and 
that  the  great  argosy  of  American  business  now  forging  ahead  over  calm 
waters,  with  fair  breezes  and  with  swelling  canvass,  would  begin  to  take 
in  sail  and  seek  the  shelter  and  anchorage  of  the  nearest  harbor?  Do  you 
not  know  from  recent  and  bitter  experience  what  that  arrest  of  movement, 
that  fear  of  the  future,  means?  It  means  the  contraction  of  business,  the 
reduction  of  employment,  the  increase  of  the  unemployed,  lower  wages, 
hard  times,  distress,  unhappiness. 

We  do  not  say  that  we  have  panaceas  for  every  human  ill.  We  do  not 
claim  that  any  policy  we,  or  any  one  else,  can  offer  will  drive  from  the 
world  sorrow  and  suffering  and  poverty,  but  we  say  that  so  far  as  govern 
ment  and  legislation  can  secure  the  prosperity  and  well  being  of  the  Ameri 
can  people  our  administration  and  our  policies  will  do  it.  (Applause.) 
We  point  to  the  adversity  of  the  Cleveland  years  lying  dark  behind  us. 
It  has  been  replaced  by  the  prosperity  of  the  McKinley  years.  Let  them 
make  whatever  explanation  they  will,  the  facts  are  with  us.  (Applause.) 

It  is  on  these  facts  that  we  shall  ask  for  the  support  of  the  American 
people.  What  we  have  done  is  known,  and  about  what  we  intend  to  do 
there  is  neither  secrecy  nor  deception.  What  we  promise  we  will  perform. 
(Applause.)  Our  old  policies  are  here,  alive,  successful  and  full  of  vigor. 
Our  new  policies  have  been  begun  and  for  them  we  ask  support.  When 
the  clouds  of  impending  civil  war  hung  dark  over  the  country  in  1861  we 
took  up  the  great  task  then  laid  upon  us  and  never  flinched  until  we  had 
carried  it  through  to  victory.  (Applause.)  Now  at  the  dawn  of  a  new 
century,  with  new  policies  and  new  opportunities  opening  before  us  in  the 
bright  sunshine  of  prosperity,  we  again  ask  the  American  people  to  entrust 
us  with  their  future.  We  have  profound  faith  in  the  people.  (Applause.) 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  91 

We  do  not  distrust  their  capacity  to  meet  the  new  responsibilities  even  as 
they  met  the  old,  and  we  shall  await  with  confidence,  under  the  leadership 
of  William  McKinley,  the  verdict  of  November.  (Applause.) 

PRESENTATION  OF  GAVELS,  ETC. 

Mr.  CHARLES  H.  CHILD,  of  Rhode  Island.— Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  directed 
to  read  the  following  letters: 

PROVIDENCE,  R.  I.,  June  igth,  1900. 
To  the  HON.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE, 

Chairman  of  the   National  Republican  Convention. 

DEAR  SIR:— The  Rhode  Island  Delegates  and  Alternates  take  great  pleasure  in  pre 
senting  you  this  gavel,  which  was  ordered  especially  for  this  occasion;  thinking  it 
might  be  of  some  historical  interest  to  you. 

The  mahogany  of  which  it  is  constructed  was  secured  from  the  old  State  Capitol, 
the  Tobin  bronze  is  part  of  that  used  in  the  construction  of  the  yacht  Columbia,  which 
was  built  at  Bristol,  R.  I.,  by  the  Herreshoff  Co. 

We  trust  you  will  value  this  as  a  souvenir  of  this  National  Republican  Convention, 
of  which  you  have  the  honor  to  be  its  chairman. 

Respectfully  yours, 

Charles    R.    Brayton,  Isaac   M.    Potter, 

Frank   F.    Carpenter,  Elam   Ward   Olney, 

Charles  H.  Child,  A.    S.   Babcock, 

Lucius  B.   Darling,  W.    E.    Spink, 

William    P.    Buffum,  JIenr3c.Jg.L__TlepJke, 

Joseph   E.    Fletcher,  George  L.  Pierce, 

B.    F.    Robinson,    Jr.,  Samuel  L.   Peck, 

Richard  Thornley,  Harry    C.    Curtis. 

TILDEN-THURBER   CO. 

PROVIDENCE,  June  6,  1900. 
MR.    CHARLES    H.    CHILD, 

DEAR  SIR:— In  response  to  your  request,  we  beg  to  submit  to  you  the  following 
description  of  the  gavel  ordered  of  us  to  be  presented  to  the  Chairman  of  the  National 
Republican  Convention. 

We  enclose  herewith  letters  from  the  Herreshoff  Mfg.  Co.  to  the  Howard  Sterling 
Co.,  certifying  that  the  Tobin  bronze  supplied  to  them  was  a  part  of  the  material  used 
in  the  construction  of  the  yacht  Columbia.  Also  a  guarantee  from  the  Howard  Sterling 
Co.,  that  the  material  used  in  the  construction  of  the  special  gavel  is  of  the  said  bronze. 
We  also  certify  that  the  mahogany  in  the  gavel  was  secured  from  the  Rhode  Island 
State  Capitol,  which  has  just  been  vacated  for  the  new  building.  Would  also  bring  to 
your  attention  the  printed  matter  on  the  case,  which  tells  the  story. 

Yours  respectfully, 

TILDEN-THURBER   CO. 

HERRESHOFF  MANUFACTURING  CO. 

BRISTOL,  R.  I.,  November  3,  1899. 
HOWARD   STERLING  CO., 

WM.    H.    LONERGAN,   MGR., 

Providence,  R.  I. 

GENTLEMEN:— We  hereby  certify  that  the  Tobin  Bronze  Scrap  you  have  purchased 
from  us  is  a  part  of  the  material  used  in  the  construction  of  the  yacht  "COLUMBIA." 
that  we  have  not  sold  any  part  of  same  to  other  parties,  nor  can  other  parties  pur 
chase  same  of  us. 

Respectfully, 

HERRESHOFF  MFG.  CO. 


92  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

HOWARD    STERLING   CO. 

PROVIDENCE,  R.  I.,  May  19,  1900. 
TILDEN-THURBER  CO., 
City. 

GENTLEMEN:— We  hereby  certify  that  the  special  gavel  No.  IODX  is  made  of  bronze 
purchased  by  us  from  Herreshoff  Mfg.  Co.,  and  part  of  that  which  was  used  in  con 
struction  of  yacht  "Columbia." 

Yours  respectfully, 

HOWARD    STERLING    COMPANY. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Colonel  Child  has  presented  to  the  Chair 
man  of  the  Convention  a  gavel  made  in  the  manner  he  has  described.  The 
Chairman  desires  to  thank  him  personally  most  sincerely  for  this  com 
pliment  from  one  of  the  sister  States,  but  he  is  well  aware  that  the  compli 
ment  is  paid  not  to  him  personally,  but  as  the  representative  of  this  great 
Convention.  In  its  name  he  takes  the  liberty  of  thanking  Col.  Child 
and  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  for  the  gavel  to  be  used  during  the  sessions 
of  the  Convention.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  JOHN  W.  LANGLEY,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  present 
a  gavel  from  the  mountains  of  Kentucky. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  is  recog 
nized. 

Mr.  JOHN  W.  LANGLEY,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of 
the  Convention:  Up  among  Kentucky's  mountains,  in  the  valley  of  the 
Big  Sandy,  there  is  a  humble  country  home,  wherein  dwells  an  old  man — 
a  soldier  of  Republicanism  who  has  spent  his  life  in  battling  for  the  re 
demption  of  Kentucky  from  the  thraldom  of  Democracy.  He  lives  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill  upon  whose  summit  the  great  Garfield  won  a  general's  star. 
(Applause.)  That  home  is  my  home;  that  old  man  is  my  father.  (Ap 
plause.)  He  has  asked  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  present  this  gavel  to  you. 
It  is  an  unpretentious  offering  from  a  modest  man,  but  to  me  the  request 
bears  the  potency  of  a  sovereign's  decree.  It  was  carved  from  the  tree  be 
side  which  Garfield  stood  during  the  battle  of  Middle  Creek,  Kentucky, 
and  beside  which  he  is  said  to  have  knelt  and  asked  the  God  of  Battles  to 
give  the  victory  \o  the  Union  arms. 

Some  of  Indiana's  soldier  boys  were  in  that  battle  (applause),  and  they 
displayed  the  same  heroism  and  the  same  courageous  devotion  to  duty 
that  are  now  being  displayed  by  Indiana's  great  Governor  (applause)  in 
giving  asylum  and  protection  to  him  who  is  the  rightful  Governor  of 
Kentucky  (applause),  and  who  is  an  exile  from  his  native  State  to-day, 
because  if  there  he  could  not  have  enforced  the  constitutional  guarantees 
of  life,  liberty  and  due  process  of  law.  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  assert 
that  love  of  liberty  is  dead  in  Kentucky,  for  it  still  lives  in  the  hearts  of  all 
true  Kentuckians  (applause)  and  is  being  suppressed  only  by  unworthy 
leaders  of  the  people.  It  will  be  strengthened  by  the  news  of  the  renomi- 
nation  of  McKinley.  (Applause.) 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  93 

I  present  this  gavel  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  a  token  of  our  continued 
devotion  to  Republican  principles,  and  as  a  pledge  that  Kentucky's  elec 
toral  vote  will  be  cast  next  November  for  McKinley  and  Roosevelt.  (Ap 
plause.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Chair  extends  the  thanks  of  the  Con 
vention  to  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  who  has  presented  to  him  this 
most  interesting  gavel. 

Mr.  SEVER  E.  OLSON,  of  Minnesota. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of 
the  Convention:  At  the  last  two  National  Conventions  of  the  Republican 
party  there  was  presented  and  utilized  for  the  proper  purpose  a  table,  the 
handiwork  of  the  young  lads  in  the  manual  training  class  of  the  South 
Side  High  School,  in  the  City  of  Minneapolis.  In  1892  it  was  used  at  the 
National  Republican  Convention  which  that  year  assembled  in  our  beautiful 
city  and  which  was  presided  over  by  that  matchless  American,  the  most 
illustrious  citizen  of  our  time,  who  now  is  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  (Applause.)  The  first  imprint  on  its  surface  was  made  by  his 
magic  gavel. 

This  table  was  made  further  historic  by  being  used  for  a  like  purpose 
at  the  National  Republican  Convention  which  assembled  in  the  City  of 
St.  Louis  in  1896. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  this  pleasing  duty  has 
been  assigned  to  me,  and  on  behalf  of  the  youthful  craftsmen  who  con 
structed  it,  on  behalf  of  our  people  who  are  proud  of  their  skill,  and  on 
behalf  of  the  delegation  here  present  from  the  stalwart  North  Star  State, 
I  ask  the  privilege  of  placing  this  table  at  your  service  during  the  delibera 
tions  of  the  Convention;  and  its  acceptance  by  you  will  be  a  fitting  recog 
nition  of  and  encouragement  to  the  educational  and  industrial  interests  of 
our  country,  which  are  always  foremost  and  uppermost  in  the  fostering 
care  of  the  great  Republican  party.  (Applause.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  the  name  of  the  Convention  I  accept 
the  table  already  used  at  two  prior  Conventions,  and  beg  to  express  to  you, 
Mr.  Olson,  the  thanks  of  the  Convention  for  the  kindness  of  Minnesota  in 
again  presenting  the  table  to  a  Republican  National  Convention.  (Ap 
plause.) 

REPORT   OF  THE  COMMITTEE   ON   RULES   AND   ORDER   OF 

BUSINESS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  next  business  in  order  is  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business.  The  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Bingham)  is  recognized. 

Mr.  HENRY  H.  BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  directed 
by  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  to  report  for  your  con 
sideration  and  action  a  body  of  rules  for  the  governing  of  this  Convention. 
It  is  needless  for  me  to  submit  that  the  report  of  the  committee  is  unanimous. 


94  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

It  is  proper  to  state  that  your  committee  adjourned  subject  to  the  call  of 
the  Chairman,  so  that  should  the  Convention  determine  in  any  way  to 
amend  or  change  the  rules  submitted,  the  committee  can  act  immediately. 

There  have  been  many  suggestions  as  to  a  change  of  the  rules,  especially 
on  the  basis  of  representation  as  now  accepted  by  conventions  upon  the 
basis  of  votes  cast  in  Congressional  districts  or  other  ways  of  representation. 
Your  committee  determined  that  the  better  and  safer  course  was  to  adopt 
the  rules  which  have  governed  the  National  Conventions  of  four  and  eight 
years  ago,  and  to  leave  any  new  or  additional  rules  to  be  the  subject  of  your 
action  here  to-day.  I  will  read  the  rules  proposed: 

Rule  I.  The  Convention  shall  consist  of  a  number  of  delegates  from  each  State 
equal  to  double  the  number  of  each  Senator  and  Representative  in  Congress;  six 
delegates  each  from  the  territories  of  Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New  Mexico  and 
Oklahoma;  four  from  Alaska,  two  from  the  District  of  Columbia  and  two  from  Hawaii. 

Rule  II.  The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress 
shall  be  the  rules  of  the  Convention,  so  far  as  they  are  applicable  and  not  inconsistent 
with  the  following  rules: 

Rule  III.  When  the  previous  question  shall  be  demanded  by  a  majority  of  the 
delegates  from  any  State,  and  the  demand  is  seconded  by  two  or  more  States,  and 
the  call  is  sustained  by  a  majority  of  the  Convention,  the  question  shall  then  be 
proceeded  with,  and  disposed  of  according  to  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  in  similar  cases. 

Rule  IV.  A  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  shall  be  in  order  only  when  made  by 
authority  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  any  State,  and  seconded  by  a  majority 
of  the  delegates  from  not  less  than  two  other  States. 

Rule  V.  It  shall  be  in  order  to  lay  on  the  table  a  proposed  amendment  to  a 
pending  measure,  and  such  motion,  if  adopted,  shall  not  carry  with  it,  or  prejudice  such 
measure. 

Rule  VI.  Upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention  the  States  shall  be  called  in 
alphabetical  order  and  next  the  Territories,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii. 

Rule  VII.  The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  shall  be  disposed  of  before 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  is  acted  upon,  and  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  shall  be  disposed  of  before  the  Convention  proceeds  to  the 
nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

Rule  VIII.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of  any  two  States  shall  demand 
that  a  vote  be  recorded,  the  same  shall  be  taken  by  States,  Territories,  Alaska,  The 
District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii,  the  Secretary  calling  the  roll  of  the  States  and 
Territories,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii,  in  the  order  heretofore 
established. 

Rule  IX.  In  making  the  nomination  for  President  and  Vice-President  in  no  case 
shall  the  calling  of  the  roll  be  dispensed  with.  \Vhen  it  appears  at  the  close  of  any 
roll  call  that  any  candidate  has  received  the  majority  of  votes  to  which  the  Convention 
is  entitled,  the  President  of  the  Convention  shall  announce  the  question  to  be:  "Shall 
the  nomination  of  the  candidate  be  made  unanimous?"  If  no  candidates  shall  have 
received  such  majority,  the  Chair  shall  direct  the  vote  to  be  taken  again,  which  shall 
be  repeated  until  some  candidate  shall  have  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  and  when 
any  State  has  announced  its  votes  it  shall  so  stand,  unless  in  case  of  numerical  error. 

Rule  X.  In  the  record  of  the  votes,  the  vote  of  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii  shall  be  announced  by  the  Chairman,  and  in  case 
the  vote  of  any  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia  or  Hawaii  shall  be 
divided,  the  Chairman  shall  announce  the  number  of  votes  for  any  candidate,  or  for 
or  against  any  proposition,  but  if  exception  is  taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correctness 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  95 

of  such  announcement  by  the  chairman  of  his  delegation,  the  President  of  the  Con 
vention  shall  direct  the  roll  of  members  of  such  delegation  to  be  called,  and  the 
result  shall  be  recorded  in  accordance  with  the  vote  individually  given. 

Rule  XI.  No  member  shall  speak  more  than  once  upon  the  same  question,  nor 
longer  than  five  minutes,  unless  by  leave  of  the  Convention,  except  in  the  presenta 
tion  of  the  names  of  candidates. 

Rule  XII.  A  Republican  National  Committee  shall  be  appointed,  to  consist  of 
one  member  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  The  District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii. 
The  roll  shall  be  called,  and  the  delegation  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii  shall  name,  through  its  Chairman,  a  person  who 
shall  act  as  member  of  said  Committee.  Such  Committee  shall  issue  the  call  for  the 
meeting  of  the  National  Convention  within  sixty  days,  at  least,  before  the  time  fixed 
for  said  meeting,  and  each  Congressional  District  in  the  United  States  shall  elect  its 
delegates  to  the  National  Convention  in  the  same  way  as  the  nomination  of  a  member 
for  Congress  is  made  in  said  District,  and  in  Territories  the  delegates  to  the  Conven 
tion  shall  be  elected  in  the  same  way  as  a  nomination  of  a  delegate  to  Congress  is  made, 
and  said  National  Committee  shall  prescribe  the  mode  of  selecting  the  delegates  for  the 
District  of  Columbia.  An  alternate  delegate  for  each  delegate  to  the  National 
Convention,  to  act  in  case  of  the  absence  of  the  delegate,  shall  be  elected  in 
the  same  manner  and  at  the  same  time  as  a  delegate  is  elected.  Delegates  at  large  for 
each  State  and  their  alternates  shall  be  elected  by  State  Conventions  in  their  respective 
States. 

Rule  XIII.  The  Republican  National  Comfhittee  is  authorized  and  empowered  to 
select  an  Executive  Committee  to  consist  of  nine  members,  who  may  or  may  not  be 
members  of  the  National  Committee. 

Rule  XIV.  All  resolutions  relating  to  the  platform  shall  be  referred  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Resolutions  without  debate. 

Rule  XV.  No  person  except  members  of  the  several  delegations  and  officers  of  the 
Convention  shall  be  admitted  to  that  section  of  the  hall  apportioned  to  delegates. 

Rule  XVI.    The  Convention  shall  proceed  in  the  following  order  of  business: 

First.  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

Second.  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization. 

Third.  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Fourth.  Naming  members  of  National  Committee. 

Fifth.  Presentation  of  names  of  Candidates  for  President. 

Sixth.  Balloting. 

Seventh.  Presentation  of  names  of  Candidates  for  Vice  President. 

Eighth.  Balloting. 

Ninth.  Call  of  the  roll  of  States,  Territories,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia  and 
Hawaii  for  names  of  Delegates  to  serve  respectively  on  Committees  to  notify  the  nominees 
for  President  and  Vice-President  of  their  selection  for  said  offices. 

I  move  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  your  committee. 

Mr.  M.  S.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  an  amend 
ment  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  to 
strike  out  Rule  i  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  what  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  amendment  proposed  by  the  gentle 
man  from  Pennsylvania  will  be  stated. 

The  READING  CLERK. — It  is  proposed  to  strike  out  Rule  I  and  insert 
in  lieu  thereof  the  following: 


,96  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

That  hereafter  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  four  Delegates  at  Large  and  one  addi 
tional  Delegate  for  each  ten  thousand  votes  or  majority  fraction  thereof  cast  at  the  last 
preceding  Presidential  election  for  Republican  electors;  and  six  Delegates  from  each 
organized  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia;  and  that  the  methods  for  the  election 
of  such  defegates  shall  be  provided  for  by  the  National  Committee. 

Several   delegates  addressed  the  Chair. 

Mr.  M.  S.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  believe  I  still  have  the  floor. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  has  the 
floor,  and  is  entitled  under  the  rule  to  five  minutes. 

Mr  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — If  the  amendment  is  adopted,  Rule  12  will 
have  to  be  modified  to  conform  to  Rule  i,  as  amended. 

I  desire,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  send  to  the  desk  and  have  read  a  statement 
showing  the  practical  effect  of  the  amendment. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  asks  that 
a  statement  be  read  to  the  Convention  by  the  reading  clerk.  If  there  is  no 
objection  the  statement  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  proceeded  to  read  the  statement. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Does  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
desire  to  have  the  figures  read? 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  desire  that  they  be  read  in  order  that 
delegates  may  understand  on  what  the  change  proposed  is  based. 

The  READING  CLERK  resumed  the  reading  of  the  statement,  and  was  in 
terrupted  by — 

Mr.  JOHN  McCLURE,  of  Arkansas. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  rise  to  a  question  of 
order. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Arkansas  will  state  his 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  McCLURE,  of  Arkansas. — It  is  that  under  Rule  14  all  resolutions 
relating  to  the  platform  shall  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
without  debate. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — This  is  not  a  resolution.  It  is  an  amend 
ment  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules. 

The  READING  CLERK  resumed  the  reading  of  the  statement,  which  is  as 
^follows : 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  97 

STATEMENT  SHOWING 

Number  of  delegates  according  to  present  basis,  as  compared  with  basis 
of  one  delegate  for  each  10,000  votes,  or  majority  fraction  thereof,  cast  for 
President  McKinley  in  1896.  Also,  compared  with  the  number  of  delegates 
based  upon  equal  representation  as  stated,  to  which  is  added  four  delegates- 
at-large  from  each  State. 


State. 


1896. 
Rep.  Vote. 


. 


Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho  

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

M  issouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Hampshire 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

North  Carolina 

North  Dakota 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode  Island 

South  Carolina 

South  Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West  Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 


54,787 

87,512 
146,170 

26,271 
110,285 

16,804 

11,288 

60,091 
6,824 
607,180 
828,754 
2X9,298 
159,541 
218,171 

22,087 

80,465 
186,959 
278,976 
298,582 
198,501 
5,180 
804,940 

10,494 

102,804 

1,938 

57,444 
221,367 
819,888 
155,222 

26,885 
525,991 

48,779 
728,800 

87,487 
9,281 

41,042 
148,778 
167,520 

18,484 

51,127 
185,36s 

89,158 
104,414 
268,1*5 

10,072 


22 
16 

18 
8 
12 
(i 
8 
26 
6 
48 
BO 
26 
20 
26 
16 
12 
16 
80 
28 
18 
is 

84 

6 

Iti 

6 

8 

20 

72 

22 

(i 

16 


5 

4 
15 
8 

11 

2 

1 

8 

1 

8] 

82 

2!t 

Hi 

22 

2 

8 

M 

28 

20 

lit 

1 

80 

1 

in 

1 

H 

22 

82 

16 

8 

58 

5 

78 

4 

1 

4 

15 

17 

1 

5 

14 

4 

K) 

27 
1 


714 


19 

7 
15 

6 

5 
10 

5 
65 
86 
33 
20 
26 

6 
12 
18 
32 
33 
23 

5 
34 

5 
14 

5 
10 
26 
86 
20 

7 
57 

9 
77 

8 

5 

8 
19 
21 

5 

9 
18 

8 
14 
31 

5 


i  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

STATEMENT  SHOWING 

(a)  Number  of  delegates  in  1896  Convention  from  all  the  States,  894 

(&)  Republican    vote    1896   in    all   the    States  7,104,779 

(c)  Average  vote  per  delegate  -      7,947 

(d)  Republican  vote  in  1896  in  each  State. 

(e)  Vote  per  delegate  in  each  State. 

(f)  Number  of  delegates  to  which   each   State  would  be  entitled  upon 

equal  basis  of  representation  according  to  Republican  vote  in  1896. 


.States. 

1896 
Rep.  Vote. 

Vote  per 
Delegate. 

Present 
Basis  No 
Delegates 

Equal 
Represen 
tation 
No.  Del. 

54,737 

2,488 

22 

7 

Arkansas                 

87,512 

2,345 

16 

5 

California                     

146,170 

8,121 

18 

18 

26,171 

3,284 

g 

110,285 

9,190 

12 

14 

16,804 

2,801 

g 

2 

Florida                  

11,288 

1,411 

g 

I 

60,091 

2,811 

26 

g 

Idaho               

6,824 

1,054 

g 

1 

Illinois                        

607,180 

12,649 

48 

76 

823,754 

10,792 

80 

41 

289,293 

11,127 

26 

86 

159541 

7,977 

20 

20 

K6ntucky        

218,171 

8,391 

26 

27 

22,037 

1,877 

16 

3 

Maine 

80465 

6,705 

12 

in 

136,959 

8,560 

16 

17 

278976 

9,299 

80 

35 

Michigan            

298,582 

10,485 

28 

37 

198,501 

10,750 

18 

24 

5180 

285 

18 

304,940 

8,969 

84 

38 

10494 

1,749 

g 

Nebraska        

102,304 

6,394 

16 

13 

1  988 

328 

g 

1 

57444 

7  181 

g 

7 

New  J6rsey                 

221,367 

11,068 

20 

28 

New  York 

819  838 

11,387 

72 

103 

North  Carolina  

155,222 

7,056 

22 

20 

North  Dakota                        

26,335 

4,889 

g 

3 

Ohio                    

525,991 

11,435 

46 

66 

48,779 

6,097 

g 

g 

728800 

11  880 

64 

92 

Rhode  Island      

37,437 

4,680 

g 

5 

9281 

516 

18 

I 

41  042 

5180 

g 

5 

148,778 

6199 

24 

19 

Texas            

167,520 

5,584 

80 

21 

13,484 

2,247 

g 

2 

51,127 

6391 

g 

g 

Virginia          

135,368 

5,640 

24 

17 

Washington                                 

39,158 

4894 

g 

5 

West  Virginia  

104,414 

8,701 

12 

13 

Wisconsin                                

268,135 

11,172 

24 

34 

Wyoming 

10,072 

1  679 

g 

1 

894 

893 

TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  99 

The  reading  of  the  statement  was  interrupted  by — 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  reading  of  the  state 
ment  will  be  somewhat  protracted.  The  amendment  involves  a  very  radical 
change  in  the  base  of  representation,  and  the  Convention  can  scarcely, 
from  the  bare  reading  of  the  statement  by  the  clerk  at  the  desk,  know  ex 
actly  what  it  is  proposed  to  vote  on,  if  we  proceed  to  take  a  vote  now. 

I  suggest  to  the  distinguished  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and 
Order  of  Business  that  a  vote  be  now  taken  upon  every  rule  except  Rule 
I  and  Rule  12,  and  that  the  reading  of  the  statement  be  suspended.  (Cries 
of  "platform!") 

Mr.  JOSEPH  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — Delegates  here  request  that  the  gen 
tleman  from  Pennsylvania  take  the  platform,  so  that  we  can  hear  what  he 
has  to  say. 

Mr.  Quay  ascended  the  platform,  and  was  greeted  with  prolonged  cheer 
ing. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  begs  that  order  will  be  preserved. 
Otherwise  the  absolute  suspension  of  business  will  be  necessary. 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — The  suggestion  which  I  desire  to  make  to 
the  Chair  is  that  the  clerk  suspend  the  reading  of  the  statement,  which  is 
somewhat  prolix.  It  will  appear  in  the  newspapers  of  this  city  in  the  even 
ing,  as  a  matter  of  course,  in  connection  with  the  proceedings  of  the  Con 
vention.  I  suggest  to  the  distinguishes  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Rules  and  Order  of  Business  that  he  have  a  vote  upon  the  adoption  of  every 
rule  except  Rule  i  and  Rule  12,  which  alone  are  affected  by  this  amendment, 
and  allow  those  two  rules  to  stand  over  until  the  meeting  of  the  Conven 
tion  to-morrow  morning,  when  I  will  call  them  up  for  the  deliberate  action 
of  the  Convention. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  requests 
that  Rules  I  and  12,  the  only  rules  affected  by  his  amendment,  may  be 
passed  over  for  the  present  and  their  consideration  postponed  until  to 
morrow,  and  that  the  remainder  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules 
and  Order  of  Business  be  now  acted  upon.  Is  there  objection? 

SEVERAL  DELEGATES. — I  object. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Objection  is  made.  It  is  the  right  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  demand  a  division  of  the  question.  The 
matter  of  postponement  can  only  be  the  subject  of  a  separate  motion.  The 
Chair  submitted  it  in  the  form  of  a  request  for  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  JOHN  E.  McCALL,  of  Tennessee. — Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  opposition 
to  this  amendment,  and  we  desire  to  be  heard  fully  before  the  Convention 
is  asked  or  required  to  submit  to  a  vote  on  a  question  so  important  and 
vital  to  Southern  Republicans.  (Applause.)  If  it  is  the  purpose  to  have 
the  amendment  passed  over  until  to-morrow,  in  order  that  we  may  be 
heard  fully,  we  will  submit;  but  if  it  is  the  purpose  to  cut  off  debate,  so  that 


100  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

the  Convention  may  not  understand  fully  what  is  meant  by  the  amendment, 
we  desire  to  be  heard  now. 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  will  say  to  the  delegate  from  Tennessee 
that  it  is  in  order  that  the  amendment  may  be  fully  understood  that  I  sug 
gested  a  postponement  of  its  consideration  until  to-morrow. 

Mr.  JOHN  R.  LYNCH,  of  Mississippi. — In  order  that  the  Convention  may 
have  before  it  every  phase  of  this  question,  I  desire  to  submit  a  proposition, 
which  has  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  question,  as  a  substitute  for  the  amend 
ment  proposed  by  Mr.  Quay.  Let  it  be  read,  and  then  let  them  go  over 
and  be  considered  together.  I  offer  this  as  a  substitute,  and  desire  to 
have  it  read  from  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Mississippi  has  a 
right  to  offer  a  substitute.  The  substitute  proposed  by  the  gentleman  from 
Mississippi  for  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl 
vania  (Mr.  QUAY)  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

"In  any  State  wherein  the  right  to  vote  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants 
thereof  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude,  or  wherein  said 
right  is  in  any. way  abridged  for  the  same  reason,  representation  in  Congress  should  be 
reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  whole  number  of  male  inhabitants  so  deprived  of 
the  right  to  vote  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  inhabitants  twenty-one  years 
of  age  in  such  State." 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  substi 
tute  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  Mississippi  (Mr.  LYNCH)  for  the 
amendment  proposed  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  QUAY). 

Mr.  LYNCH,  of  Mississippi. — If  it  is  the  desire  of  the  Convention  to  post 
pone  this  matter  until  to-morrow,  I  shall  have  nothing  more  to  say  to-day. 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  have  no  objection  to — 

Mr.  LYNCH,  of  Mississippi. — When  it  does  come  up  we  want  to  be  heard 
fully. 

Mr.  FLAVEL  McGEE,  of  New  Jersey. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  rise  to  a  point  of 
order. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  Jersey  rises  to 
a  point  of  order.  The  gentleman  will  state  his  point  of  order. 

Mr.  McGEE,  of  New  Jersey. — The  point  of  order  is  that  the  amendment 
is  not  germane  to  the  matter  before  the  Convention. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  sustains  the  point  of  order.  It 
is  clearly  not  germane  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order 
of  Business.  The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  demands  a  division. 

Mr.  H.  H.  BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman — 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— On  that  question  the  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  desires  to  be  heard. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  101 

Mr.  P.  L.  SOPER,  of  the  Indian  Territory.— With  the  consent  of  the  hon 
orable  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  I  move  to  strike  out  the  word  "or 
ganized,"  preceding  the  word  "Territory."  The  Indian  Territory  has  450,- 
ooo  people,  and  it  is  governed  directly  by  Congress.  It  certainly  should 
have  representation  in  conventions. 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania.— I  suggest  that  the  word  "organized?  ^e 
stricken  out  by  unanimous  consent.  There  is  no  objection  to  striking  nt 
out. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— Without  objection,  the  word  "organized," 
before  the  word  "Territory,"  will  be  stricken  out.  That  suggestion  is  ac 
cepted  by  the  mover  of  the  amendment.  The  amendment  offered  by  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  now  reads  as  modified  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  gentleman  from  the  Indian  Territory. 

Mr.  H.  H.  BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — As  I  stated  to  the  Convention  in 
the  few  remarks  I  made,  the  general  proposition  of  representation  had  no 
consideration  before  your  committee,  for  the  reason  that  it  was  not  submit 
ted.  The  committee  adjourned  subject  to  the  call  of  the  Chairman,  in  order 
that  any  action  of  the  Convention  which  would  send  the  rules  back  could  be 
duly  considered. 

However,  the  gentleman,  under  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  of  his  own  right  demands  a  division  of  the  question,  and  asks  that 
Rule  i  and  Rule  12,  with  his  amendment  and  such  other  amendments  as 
may  be  in  order,  go  over  until  to-morrow.  As  the  body  of  rules  are  neces 
sary  for  the  government  of  the  Convention  in  permanent  organization,  I 
think  it  wise  to  accept  a  division  of  the  question  and  to  ask  for  the  adop 
tion  of  all  of  the  rules  except  Rule  I  and  Rule  12. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  request  is  made  that  the  consideration 
of  Rule  i  and  Rule  12  may  be  postponed  until  to-morrow,  and  that  the  other 
rules  may  be  disposed  of  at  this  time. 

Mr.  GEORGE  H.  WHITE,  of  North  Carolina. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to 
have  Rules  i  and  12  re-read.  , 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  rules  have  already  been  read  from  the 
desk.  Does  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina  ask  that  they  be  read 
again? 

Mr.  GEORGE  H.  WHITE,  of  North  Carolina.— I  ask  that  Rule  i  and  Rule 
12  be  re-read,  so  that  we  may  thoroughly  understand  the  distinction. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Rules  i  and  12  will  be  read  again,  at  the 
request  of  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Rule  I.  The  Convention  shall  consist  of  a  number  of  delegates  from  each  State 
equal  to  double  the  number  of  each  Senator  and  Representative  in  Congress;  six  dele 
gates  each  from  the  Territories  of  Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New  Mexico  and  Okla 
homa;  four  from  Alaska,  two  from  the  District  of  Columbia  and  two  from  Hawaii. 


102  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Rule  XII.  A  Republican  National  Committee  shall  be  appointed,  to  consist  of  one 
member  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Hawaii.  The 
roll  shall  be  called,  and  the  delegation  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the  District 
of  Columbia  and  Hawaii  shall  name,  through  its  Chairman,  a  person  who  shall  act  as 
member  of  said  Committee.  Such  Committee  shall  issue  the  call  for  the  meeting  of  the 
National  Convention  within  sixty  days,  at  least,  before  the  time  fixed  for  said  meeting, 
and  each  Congressional  District  in  the  United  States  shall  elect  its  delegates  to  the 
National  Convention  in  the  same  way  as  the  nomination  of  a  member  for  Congress  is 
made  in  said  District,  and  in  Territories  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  shall  be  elected 
in  the  same  way  as  a  nomination  of  a  delegate  to  Congress  is  made,  and  said  National 
Committee  shall  prescribe  the  mode  of  selecting  the  delegates  for  the  District  of 
Columbia.  An  alternate  delegate  for  each  delegate  to  the  National  Convention,  to  act 
in  case  of  the  absence  of  the  delegate,  shall  be  elected  in  the  same  manner  and  at  the 
same  time  as  a  delegate  is  elected.  Delegates  at  large  for  each  State  and  their  alternates 
shall  be  elected  by  State  Conventions  in  their  respective  States. 

Mr.  JOHN  E.  McCALL,  of  Tennessee. — I  rise  to  ask  a  question  for  infor 
mation.  Is  the  motion  to  defer  until  to-morrow  debatable?  If  so  I  desire 
to  be  heard  in  opposition  to  it. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  supposes  it  is  open  to  debate, 
it  being  a  motion  to  refer  to  a  time  certain. 

Mr.  McCALL,  of  Tennessee. — Then  I  desire  to  be  heard. 

Mr.  SERENO  E.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — I  make  the  point  of  order  that 
there  is  no  motion  to  refer  before  the  Convention. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Unanimous  consent  has  been  asked  that 
Rules  i  and  12  be  passed  over  until  to-morrow,  and  that  the  remainder 
of  the  report  be  now  disposed  of. 

Mr.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — That  is  true.     Unanimous  consent — 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  submits  to  the  Convention 
the  request  for  unanimous  consent. 
Mr.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — That  was  objected  to. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr. 
QUAY)  requests  that  Rules  i  and  12  be  passed  over  until  to-morrow,  and 
that  they  be  made  the  unfinished  business,  and  that  the  remainder  of  the 
report  be  disposed  of  now.  Is  there  objection? 

Mr.  McCALL,  of  Tennessee. — I  desire  to  ask  a  question  for  information. 
Will  this  matter,  if  passed  over  until  to-morrow,  be  disposed  of  before  the 
nominations  of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President  are  made? 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  the  opinion  of  the  Chair  it  will  come  up 
the  first  thing  in  the  morning  as  the  unfinished  business. 
Mr.  McCALL,  of  Tennessee. — I  have  no  further  objection. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Is  there  objection  to  the  request  as  stated 
by  the  Chair? 

Mr.  JOHN  McCLURE,  of  Arkansas. — I  object. 


HON.    CHARLES  W.    FAIRBANKS,  of   Indiana, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  103 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— Objection  is  made.  The  question  recurs  on 
agreeing  to  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to 
Rule  i. 

Mr.  SYDNEY  E.  MUDD,  of  Maryland. — I  move  that  the  consideration  of 
the  amendments  which  have  been  offered  be  postponed,  to  come  up  imme 
diately  after  the  convening  of  this  body  to-morrow. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Maryland  (Mr. 
MUDD)  moves  that  Rules  i  and  12,  with  the  proposed  amendments,  be  post 
poned  until  to-morrow,  to  come  up  immediately  after  the  assembling  of  the 
Convention. 

Mr.  T.  B.  WALL,  of  Kansas. — On  behalf  of  Kansas,  I  second  the  motion. 

Mr.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  second  the  motion  on  the  part  of  Penn 
sylvania. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  motion  being  duly  seconded,  the  ques 
tion  is  on  postponing  Rules  i  and  12,  with  the  proposed  amendments,  until 
to-morrow  immediately  after  the  assembling  of  the  Convention. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  recurs  on  agreeing  to  the 
motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  adopt  the  remainder  of 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Mr.  CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman — 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  gentleman  from 
Indiana. 

Mr.  CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana,  read  the  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Resolutions,  as  follows: 

REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    PLATFORM— 1900. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  through  their  chosen  representa 
tives,  met  in  National  Convention,  looking  back  upon  an  unsurpassed 
record  of  achievement  and  looking  forward  into  a  great  field  of  duty  and 
opportunity,  and  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  their  countrymen,  make  these 
declarations: 

The  expectation  in  which  the  American  people,  turning  from  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  entrusted  power  four  years  ago  to  a  Republican  Chief  Magis 
trate  and  a  Republican  Congress,  has  been  met  and  satisfied.  When  the 
people  then  assembled  at  the  polls,  after  a  term  of  Democratic  legislation 
and  administration,  business  was  dead,  industry  paralyzed  and  the  National 
credit  disastrously  impaired.  The  country's  capital  was  hidden  avray  and 


104  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

its  labor  distressed  and  unemployed.  The  Democrats  had  no  other  plan 
with  which  to  improve  the  ruinous  conditions  which  they  had  themselves 
produced  than  to  coin  silver  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one.  The  Republican 
party,  denouncing  this  plan  as  sure  to  produce  conditions  even  worse  than 
those  from  which  relief  was  sought,  promised  to  restore  prosperity  by 
means  of  two  legislative  measures — a  protective  tariff  and  a  law  making 
gold  the  standard  of  value.  The  people  by  great  majorities  issued  to  the  Re 
publican  party  a  commission  to  enact  these  laws.  This  commission  has 
been  executed,  and  the  Republican  promise  is  redeemed.  Prosperity  more 
general  and  more  abundant,  than  we  have  ever  known  has  followed  these 
enactments.  There  is  no  longer  controversy  as  to  the  value  of  any  Gov 
ernment  obligations.  Every  American  dollar  is  a  gold  dollar  or  its  assured 
equivalent,  and  American  credit  stands  higher  than  that  of  any  other  nation. 
Capital  is  fully  employed  and  labor  everywhere  is  profitably  occupied.  No 
single  fact  can  more  strikingly  tell  the  story  of  what  Republican  Govern 
ment  means  to  the  country  than  this — That  while  during  the  whole  period 
of  one  hundred  and  seven  years  from  1790  to  1897  there  was  an  excess  of 
exports  over  imports  of  only  $383,028,497,  there  has  been  in  the  short  three 
years  of  the  present  Republican  administration  an  excess  of  exports  over 
imports  in  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,483,537,094. 

And  while  the  American  people,  sustained  by  this  Republican  legislation, 
have  been  achieving  these  splendid  triumphs  in  their  business  and  com 
merce,  they/have  conducted  and  in  victory  concluded  a  war  for  liberty  and 
human  rights.  No  thought  of  National  aggrandizement  tarnished  the  high 
purpose  with  which  American  standards  were  unfurled.  It  was  a  war  un 
sought  and  patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came  the  American  Government 
was  ready.  Its  fleets  were  cleared  for  action.  Its  armies  were  in  the  field, 
and  the  quick  and  signal  triumph  of  i$s  forces  on  land  and  sea  bore  equal 
tribute  to  the  courage  of  American  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  to  the  skill  and 
foresight  of  Republican  statesmanship.  To  ten  millions  of  the  human  race 
there  was  given  "a  new  birth  of  freedom,"  and  to  the  American  people  a 
new  and  noble  responsibility. 

We  endorse  the  administration  of  William  McKinley.  Its  acts  have  been 
established  in  wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at  home  and  abroad  it  has 
distinctly  elevated  and  extended  the  influence  of  the  American  nation. 
Walking  untried  paths  and  facing  unforeseen  responsibilities,  President  Mc 
Kinley  has  been  in  every  situation  the  true  American  patriot  and  the  upright 
statesman,  clear  in  vision,  strong  in  judgment,  firm  in  action,  always  in 
spiring  and  deserving  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen. 

In  asking  the  American  people  to  indorse  this  Republican  record  and 
to  renew  their  commission  to  the  Republican  party,  we  remind  them  of  the 
fact  that  the  menace  to  their  prosperity  has  always  resided  in  Democratic 
principles,  and  no  less  in  the  general  incapacity  of  the  Democratic  party  to 
conduct  public  affairs.  The  prime  essential  of  business  prosperity  is  public 
confidence  in  the  good  sense  of  the  Government  and  in  its  ability  to  deal 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  105 

intelligently  with  each  new  problem  of  administration  and  legislation.  That 
confidence  the  Democratic  party  has  never  earned.  It  is  hopelessly  inade 
quate,  and  the  country's  prosperity,  when  Democratic  success  at  the  polls 
is  announced,  halts  and  ceases  in  mere  anticipation  of  Democratic  blunders 
and  failures. 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  principle  of  the  gold  standard  and  declare 
our  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  the  legislation  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress 
by  which  the  parity  of  all  our  money  and  the  stability  of  our  currency  upon 
a  gold  basis  has  been  secured.  We  recognize  that  interest  rates  are  a  po 
tent  factor  in  production  and  business  activity,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
further  equalizing  and  of  further  lowering  the  rates  of  interest,  we  favor 
such  monetary  legislation  as  will  enable  the  varying  needs  of  the  season 
and  of  all  sections  to  be  promptly  met  in  order  that  trade  may  be  evenly 
sustained,  labor  steadily  employed  and  commerce  enlarged.  The  volume 
of  money  in  circulation  was  never  so  great  per  capita  as  it  is  to-day.  We 
declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver. 
No  measure  to  that  end  could  be  considered  which  was  without  the  support 
of  the  leading  commercial  countries  of  the  world.  However  firmly  Repub 
lican  legislation  may  seem  to  have  secured  the  country  against  the  peril 
of  base  and  discredited  currency,  the  election  of  a  Democratic  President 
could  not  fail  to  impair  the  country's  credit  and  to  bring  once  more  into 
question  the  intention  of  the  American  people  to  maintain  upon  the  gold 
standard  the  parity  of  their  money  circulation.  The  Democratic  party  must 
be  convinced  that  the  American  people  will  never  tolerate  the  Chicago 
platform. 

We  recognize  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  the  honest  co-operation  of 
capital  to  meet  new  business  conditions  and  especially  to  extend  our  rapidly 
increasing  foreign  trade,  but  we  condemn  all  conspiracies  and  combinations 
intended  to  restrict  business,  to  create  monopolies,  to  limit  production,  or 
to  control  prices;  and  favor  such  legislation  as  will  effectively  restrain  and 
prevent  all  such  abuses,  protect  and  promote  competition  and  secure  the 
rights  of  producers,  laborers,  and  all  who  are  engaged  in  industry  and  com 
merce. 

We  renew  our  faith  in  the  policy  of  Protection  to  American  labor.  In 
that  policy  our  industries  have  been  established,  diversified  and  maintained. 
By  protecting  the  home  market  competition  has  been  stimulated  and  pro 
duction  cheapened.  Opportunity  to  the  inventive  genius  of  our  people  has 
been  secured  and  wages  in  every  department  of  labor  maintained  at  high 
rates,  higher  now  than  ever  before,  and  always  distinguishing  our  working 
people  in  their  better  conditions  of  life  from  those  of  any  competing  coun 
try.  Enjoying  the  blessings  of  the  American  common  school,  secure  in 
the  right  of  self-government  and  protected  in  the  occupancy  of  their  own 
markets,  their  constantly  increasing  knowledge  and  skill  have  enabled  them 
to  finally  enter  the  markets  of  the  world.  We  favor  the  associated  policy 


106  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

of  reciprocity  so  directed  as  to  open  our  markets  on  favorable  terms  for 
what  we  do  not  ourselves  produce  in  return  for  free  foreign  markets. 
\s  In  the  further  interest  of  American  workmen  we  favor  a  more  effective 
restriction  of  the  immigration  of  cheap  labor  from  foreign  lands,  the  ex 
tension  of  opportunites  of  education  for  working  children,  the  raising  of  the 
age  limit  for  child  labor,  the  protection  of  free  labor  as  against  contract 
convict  labor,  and  an  effective  system  of  labor  insurance. 

Our  present  dependence  upon  foreign  shipping  for  nine-tenths  of  our 
foreign  carrying  is  a  great  loss  to  the  industry  of  this  country.  It  is  also 
a  serious  danger  to  our  trade,  for  its  sudden  withdrawal  in  the  event  of 
European  war  would  seriously  cripple  our  expanding  foreign  commerce. 
The  National  defense  and  naval  efficiency  of  this  country,  moreover,  supply 
a  compelling  reason  for  legislation  which  will  enable  us  to  recover  our 
former  place  among  the  trade  carrying  fleets  of  the  world. 

The  Nation  owes  a  debt  of  profound  gratitude  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
who  have  fought  its  battles,  and  it  is  the  Government's  duty  to  provide  for 
'  the  survivors  and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in 
the  country's  wars.  The  pension  laws,  founded  in  this  just  sentiment,  should 
be  liberal  and  should  be  liberally  administered;  and  preference  should  be 
given  wherever  practicable  with  respect  to  employment  in  the  public  service 
to  soldiers  and  sailors  and  to  their  widows  and  orphans. 

We  commend  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  efficiency  of  the 
Civil  Service.  The  Administration  has  acted  wisely  in  its  efforts  to  secure 
for  public  service  in  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico,  Hawaii  and  the  Philippine  Islands 
only  those  whose  fitness  has  been  determined  by  training  and  experience. 
We  believe  that  employment  in  the  public  service  in  these  territories  should 
be  confined  as  far  as  practicable  to  their  inhabitants. 

It  was  the  plain  purpose  of  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
to  prevent  discrimination  on  account  of  race  or  color  in  regulating  the 
elective  franchise.  Devices  of  State  governments,  whether  by  statutory  or 
constitutional  enactment,  to  avoid  the  purpose  of  this  amendment  are  revo 
lutionary,  and  should  be  condemned. 

Public  movements  looking  to  a  permanent  improvement  of  the  roads 
and  highways  of  the  country  meet  with  our  cordial  approval,  and  we  recom 
mend  this  subject  to  the  earnest  consideration  of  the  people  and  of  the 
Legislatures  of  the  several  States. 

^     We  favor  the  extension  of  the  Rural  Free  Delivery  service  wherever  its 
extension  may  be  justified. 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  constant  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to 

provide  free  homes  on  the  public  domain,  we  recommend  a_dec[uate  national 

legislation  to  reclaim  th£..arjjJLJa"dQ  of  the  United  States,  reserving  control 

oTThe  distribution  of  water  for  irrigation  to  the  respective  States  and  ter- 

/    ritories. 

We  favor  home  rule  for,  and  the  early  admission  to  statehood  of  the 
Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Oklahoma. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  107 

The  Dingley  Act,  amended  to  provide  sufficient  revenue  for  the  conduct 
of  the  war,  has  so  well  performed  its  work  that  it  has  been  possible  to  re 
duce  the  war  debt  in  the  sum  of  $40,000,000.  So  ample  are  the  Govern 
ment's  revenues  and  so  great  is  the  public  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  its 
obligations  that  its  newly-funded  two  per  cent,  bonds  sell  at  a  premium. 
The  country  is  now  justified  in  expecting,  and  it  will  be  the  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  to  bring  about,  a  reduction  of  the  war  taxes. 
^  We  favor  the  construction,  ownership,  control  and  protection  of  an 
Isthmian  Canal  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  New  markets 
are  necessary  for  the  increasing  surplus  of  our  farm  products.  Every  effort 
should  be  made  to  open  and  obtain  new  markets,  especially  in  the  Orient, 
and  the  Administration  is  warmly  to  be  commended  for  its  successful  effort 
to  commit  all  trading  and  colonizing  nations  to  the  policy  of  the  open  door 
in  China. 

In  the  interest  of  our  expanding  commerce  we  recommend  that  Congress 
create  a  Department  of  Commerce  and  Industries  in  the  charge  of  a  Sec 
retary  with~a  seat  in~  tTie^-CatnTfeTT  The  United  States  Consular  system 
should  be  reorganized  under  the  supervision  of  this  new  Department  upon 
such  a  basis  of  appointment  and  tenure  as  will  render  it  still  more  service 
able  to  the  Nation's  increasing  trade. 

The  American  Government  must  protect  the  person  and  property  of 
every  citizen  wherever  they  are  wrongfully  violated  or  placed  in  peril. 

We  congratulate  the  women  of  America  upon  their  splendid  record  of 
public  service  in  the  volunteer  aid  association  and  as  nurses  in  camp  and 
hospital  during  the  recent  campaigns  of  our  armies  in  the  Eastern  and  West 
ern  Indies,  and  we  appreciate  their  faithful  co-operation  in  all  works  of  edu 
cation  and  industry. 

President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United 
States  with  distinguished  credit  to  the  American  people.  In  releasing  us 
from  the  vexatious  conditions  of  a  European  alliance  for  the  government 
of  Samoa,  his  course  is  especially  to  be  commended.  By  securing  to  our 
undivided  control  the  most  important  island  of  the  Samoan  group  and  the 
best  harbor  in  the  Southern  Pacific,  every  American  interest  has  been  safe 
guarded. 

\s  We  approve  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  the  United  States. 
r  L  We  commend  the  part  taken  by  our  Government  in  the  Peace  Confer 
ence  at  the  Hague.  We  assert  our  steadfast  adherence  to  the  policy  an 
nounced  in  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  provisions  of  the  Hague  Conven 
tion  were  wisely  regarded  when  President  McKinley  tendered  his  friendly 
offices  in  the  interest  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  South  African 
Republic.  While  the  American  Government  must  continue  the  policy  pre 
scribed  by  Washington,  affirmed  by  every  succeeding  President  and  im 
posed  upon  us  by  the  Hague  treaty  of  non-intervention  in  European  con 
troversies,  the  American  people  earnestly  hope  that  a  way  may  soon  be 


108  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

found,  honorable  alike  to  both  contending  parties,  to  terminate  the  strife 
between  them. 

In  accepting  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  the  just  responsibility  of  our  victories 
in  the  Spanish  war,  the  President  and  the  Senate  won  the  undoubted  ap 
proval  of  the  American  people.  No  other  course  was  possible  than  to  de 
stroy  Spain's  sovereignty  throughout  the  Western  Indies  and  in  the  Philip 
pine  Islands.  That  course  created  our  responsibility  before  the  world,  and 
with  the  unorganized  population  whom  our  intervention  had  freed  from 
Spain,  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order,  and  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  good  government  and  for  the  performance  of  international  ob 
ligations.  Our  authority  could  not  be  less  than  our  responsibility;  and 
wherever  sovereign  rights  were  extended  it  became  the  high  duty  of  the 
Government  to  maintain  its  authority,  to  put  down  armed  insurrection  and 
to  confer  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization  upon  all  the  rescued 
peoples. 

The  largest  measure  of  self-government  consistent  with  their  welfare  and 
our  duties  shall  be  secured  to  them  by  law. 

To  Cuba  independence  and  self-government  were  assured  in  the  same 
voice  by  which  war  was  declared,  and  to  the  letter  this  pledge  shall  be  per 
formed. 

The  Republican  party,  upon  its  history,  and  upon  this  declaration  of  princi 
ples  and  policies  confidently  invokes  the  considerate  and  approving  judg 
ment  of  the  American  people. 

CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS, 

EDWARD  ROSEWATER,  Chairman. 

Secretary. 

Mr.  CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana. — By  direction  of  the  Commit 
tee  on  Resolutions,  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  report,  and  upon  that  I 
demand  the  previous  question. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  previous  question  is  demanded  by  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana.  Is  it  seconded?  Under  the  rules  two  States  must 
second  the  demand. 

Mr.  W.  J.  SEWELL,  of  New  Jersey. — I  do  not  think  there  is  a  particle  of 
objection  to  it.  Unanimous  consent  will  be  given. 

Mr.  H.  C.  HANSBROUGH,  of  North  Dakota. — On  behalf  of  North  Dako-ta 
I  second  the  demand. 

Mr.  ROBERT  METZGER,  of  Indiana, — I  second  the  demand  on  the  part  of 
Indiana, 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  demand  being  duly  seconded,  the 
question  is,  shall  the  previous  question  be  ordered? 

The  previous  question  was  ordered. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  re 
port  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

The  report  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  109 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  COMMITTEE. 

Mr.  JOSEPH  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio.— Mr.  Chairman— 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  is  the  nomination  of 
members  of  the  National  Republican  Committee. 

Mr.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — I  was  about  to  make  a  motion  to  adjourn.  In 
view  of  the  announcement  just  made  by  the  Chairman,  I  will  withhold  the 
motion  until  the  business  can  be  transacted. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  roll  of  States,  etc.,  will  be  called  for 
National  Committeemen.  The  chairman  of  each  delegation  is  requested  to 
announce  the  name  of  the  member  of  the  National  Republican  Committee 
from  his  State,  Territory  or  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  READING  CLERK  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of  States,  etc. 

Mr.  P.  D.  BARKER,  of  Alabama  (when  Alabama  was  called). — Owing  to 
the  contest,  which  was  only  settled  this  morning,  our  delegation  has  not 
been  able  to  agree  on  the  member  of  the  National  Committee. 

Mr.  W.  T.  BURNS,  of  Texas  (when  Texas  was  called).— I  ask  that  Texas 
be  passed  for  the  time  being. 

Mr.  H.  M.  WELLS,  of  Utah  (when  Utah  was  called). — On  the  question 
of  National  Committeeman,  the  delegation  is  divided,  one  half  being  in 
favor  of  O.  J.  Salisbury  and  the  other  in  favor  of  W.  T.  McCornick. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Utah  will  be  passed,  the  delegation  being 
equally  divided. 

The  call  of  the  roll  of  States,  etc.,  was  concluded.  As  finally  made  up 
the  National  Republican  Committee  is  as  follows: 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  COMMITTEE. 

Alabama J.  W.  DIMMICK 

Arkansas POWELL  CLAYTON 

California W.  C.  VAN  FLEET 

Colorado EDWARD  O.  WOLCOTT 

Connecticut CHARLES  F.  BROOKER 

Delaware JOHN  EDWARD  ADDICKS 

Florida JOHN   G.   LONG 

Georgia JUDSON  W.  LYONS 

Idaho GEORGE  L.  SHOUP 

Illinois GRAEME  STEWART 

Indiana HARRY   S.   NEW 

Iowa ERNEST  E.  HART 

Kansas DAVID  W.   MULVANE 

Kentucky JOHN  W.  YERKES 

Louisiana A.  T.  WIMBERLY 

Maine JOSEPH  H.   MANLEY 

Maryland L.  E.  McCOMAS 

Massachusetts GEO.  VAN  L.  MEYER 

Michigan WILLIAM  H.  ELLIOTT 

Minnesota THOMAS  H.  SHEVLIN 

Mississippi H.  C.  TURLEY 

Missouri..  ..RICHARD  C.  KERENS 


110  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

Montana WILLIAM  H.  DsWITT 

Nebraska R.  B.  SNYDER 

Nevada P.  L.  FLANNIGAN 

New  Hampshire CHAS.  S.  MEANS 

New  Jersey FRANKLIN  MURPHY 

New  York FREDERICK  S.   GIBBS 

North  Carolina J.  E.  BOYD 

North  Dakota ALEX.  McKENZIE 

Ohio GEORGE  B.  COX 

Oregon GEORGE  A.  STEED 

Pennsylvania MATTHEW    S.    QUAY 

Rhode  Island CHAS.  R.  BRAYTON 

South  Carolina E.  A.  \VEBSTER 

South  Dakota A.   M.  GREEN 

Tennessee WALTER  P.  BROWNLOW 

Texas R.  B.  HAWLEY 

Utah O.   J.   SALISBURY 

Vermont JAMES  W.  BROCK 

Virginia GEO.  E.  BOWDEN 

Washington GEO.   H.   BAKER 

West  Virginia N.  B.  SCOTT 

Wisconsin HENRY  C.  PAYNE 

Wyoming WILLIS  VAN  DEVANTER 

District  of  Columbia M.  M.  PARKER 

Alaska JOHN   G.   HEID 

Arizona •. WILLIAM  M.  GRIFFITH 

Indian  Territory WM.  M.  MELLETTE 

New  Mexico SOLOMON  LUNA 

Oklahoma WILLIAM  GRIMES 

Hawaii HAROLD   M.    SEWALL 

(Note:  When  the  name  of  Hon.  M.  S.  Quay  was  announced  as  member 
of  the  Republican  National  Committee  from  Pennsylvania,  he  was  tendered 
an  ovation  lasting  several  minutes. — Ed.) 

HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  roll  of  States,  etc.,  will  now  be  called 
for  honorary  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Convention. 

The  roll  of  States,  etc.,  was  called.  As  finally  made  up  the  list  of  Hon 
orary  Vice-Presidents  is  as  follows: 

Alabama FRANK  H.  LOTHROP 

Arkansas CHAS.    D.    GRAVES 

California H.  G.  BOND 

Colorado W.  S.  STRATTON 

Connecticut JOSEPH  R.  HAWLEY 

Delaware HIRAM  R.  BURTON 

Florida H.  S.   CHUBB 

Georgia J.  J.  HAMILTON 

Idaho L.   L.   ORMSBEE 

Illinois CHAS.    H.   DEERE 

Indiana JAMES  A.  MOUNT 

Iowa CHAS.  M.  HINSDALE 

Kansas W.  S.  METCALF 

Kentucky R.  P.  STOLL 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  m 

Louisiana W.  J.  BEHAN 

Maine WALDO  PETTINGILL 

Maryland W.  E.  MALSTER 

Massachusetts F.  W.  ROCKWELL 

Michigan REA  BARKER 

Minnesota GEO.   FITZ  SIMMONS 

Mississippi F.  W.  COLLINS 

Missouri NATHAN  FRANK 

Montana DAVID  E.  FOLSOM 

Nebraska JNO.  D.  HASKELL 

Nevada M.  C.   McMILLAN 

New  Hampshire FRANK  JONES 

New  Jersey F.  M.  VOORHEES 

New  York FRANK  S.  BLACK 

North  Carolina S.  B.  ADAMS 

North  Dakota H.  L.  HOLMES 

Ohio   JAMES   BARNETT 

Oregon F.  S.  STANLEY 

Pennsylvania SAMUEL  B.    DICK 

Rhode  Island W.  P.  BUFFUM 

South  Carolina JOHN  F.  JONES 

South  Dakota A.  H.  BETTS 

Tennessee JOHN  J.  GRAHAM 

Texas JOHN  GRANT 

Utah ARTHUR  BROWN 

Vermont HENRY  C.  BATES 

Virginia W.   C.   FRANKLIN 

Washington N.   B.   COFFMAN 

West  Virginia S.  H.  GRAMM 

Wisconsin J.  H.  STOUT 

Wyoming DsFORREST  RICHARDS 

District  of  Columbia J.  E.  JONES 

Alaska W.  D.  GRANT 

Arizona J.  W.  DORRINGTON 

Indian  Territory LEO  E.  BENNETT 

New  Mexico W.  H.  LLEWELLYN 

Oklahoma D.   F.   FLYNN 

Hawaii SAMUEL  PARKER 

ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — I  move  that  the  Convention  adjourn 
until  10  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion 
of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  that  the  Convention  adjourn  until  10  o'clock 
to-morrow  morning. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  (at  3  o'clock  and  12  minutes  P.  M.)  the 
Convention  adjourned  until  to-morrow,  Thursday,  June  21,  1900.  at  IO 
o'clock  A.  M. 


THIRD    DAY 

PRAYER  BY  ARCHBISHOP  RYAN— REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE 
ON  RULES  ADOPTED— NOMINATION  OF  WILLIAM  Mo 
KINLEY  FOR  PRESIDENT— ADDRESSES  BY  SENATOR 
FORAKER,  OF  OHIO,  GOVERNOR  ROOSEVELT,  OF  NEW 
YORK,  JOHN  W.  YERKES,  OF  KENTUCKY,  GEORGE  A. 
KNIGHT,  OF  CALIFORNIA,  GOVERNOR  MOUNT,  OF  INDI 
ANA—THE  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT— NOMINATION  OF 
THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  FOR  VICE  PRESIDENT— AD 
DRESSES  BY  LAFAYTTE  YOUNG,  OF  IOWA,  M.  J.  MURRAY, 
OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  J.  M.  ASHTON,  OF  WASHINGTON- 
SENATOR  DEPEW,  OF  NEW  YORK— THE  VOTE  FOR  VICE 
PRESIDENT— RESOLUTIONS— VACANCIES  ON  NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE— THANKS  TO  OFFICERS  OF  THE  CONVEN 
TION-THANKS  TO  THE  CITY  OF  PHILADELPHIA-COM 
MITTEES  TO  NOTIFY  THE  CANDIDATES  FOR  PRESIDENT 
AND  VICE  PRESIDENT— ADJOURNMENT. 


CONVENTION  HALL 

PHILADELPHIA,  PENNA.,  Thursday,  June  21,  1900. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (at  10  o'clock  and  36  minutes  A.  M.)- — The 
Convention  will  come  to  order.  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  Ryan  will  offer 
prayer. 

PRAYER  OF  MOST  REV.  P.  J.  RYAN,  ARCHBISHOP  OF  PHILA 
DELPHIA. 

Most  Rev.  Archbishop  P.  J.  Ryan,  of  Philadelphia,  offered  the  following 
prayer : 

In  the  spirit  of  deep  reverence  and  filial  affection  let  us  pray  to  the 
Father,  and  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  O  Eternal  and  Most  Sacred  God! 
Father,  Son  and  Holy  Spirit,  we  believe  Thee  here  present.  We  adore 
Thee.  We  praise  Thee.  We  thank  Thee.  We  lift  our  voices  to  Thee, 
Father,  in  the  prayer  given  to  us  by  Thy  Son:  Our  Father  who  art  in 
Heaven,  hallowed  beyThy  name.  Thy  kingdom  come.  Thy  will  be  done 

112 


HON.    JOSEPH    B.    FORAKER,    of   Ohio, 
Who  Made  the  Address  Nominating  William  McKinley  for  President. 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  113 

on  earth  as  it  is  in  Heaven.  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread,  and  forgive 
us  our  trespasses,  as  we  forgive  those  who  trespass  against  us.  Lead  us 
not  into  temptation,  but  deliver  us  from  evil.  Amen.  And  Thou,  O  Eter 
nal  Son  of  the  Father,  "the  figure  of  his  substance  and  the  splendor  of  Kis 
high  glory,"  the  light  of  light,  who  enlightens  every  man  who  cometh  into 
this  World,  Thou  who  as  I  speak,  sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father;  O 
Son  of  the  living  God,  bless  this  mighty  assembly,  bless  this  nation  and  its 
rulers.  Send  down  Wisdom  that  sitteth  by  Thy  throne  that  she  may  illu 
mine  the  intellects  and  purify  the  hearts  of  the  whole  people  and  their  rulers, 
that  she  may  suggest  that  which  will  be  permanently  useful  to  the  great 
body  of  the  people,  that  she  may  elevate  above  all  personal  and  mere 
party  considerations  the  great  ruling  power  and  give  to  it  a  consciousness 
of  the  awful  responsibility  of  being  minister  of  God's  power  to  His  people, 
because  from  Thee,  O  Lord,  through  the  people,  come  all  power  and  do 
minion,  and  therefore  the  temporal  ruler  is  also  the  minister  of  the  Most 
High.  Elevate  the  intellects  and  hearts  and  feelings  to  this  plane  on  which 
alone  and  from  which  alone  humanity  can  be  ruled,  and  men  bow  to  the 
authority  of  their  fellow  men,  as  wielding  Thy  delegated  power. 

And  Thou,  O  Spirit  of  God,  spirit  of  unity,  spirit  of  love,  who  proceeds 
from  the  Father  and  the  Son,  O  Thou  who  restored  order  amid  chaos,  in 
the  morning  of  the  creation,  grant  order  and  unity  to  this  great  people, 
and  preserve  its  institutions.  As  at  Pentecost,  when  Thou  didst  descend 
and  all  the  various  nations  of  the  earth  heard,  each  man  in  his  own  tongue, 
the  wonderful  works  of  God,  and  the  unity  lost  at  Babel  was  restored  in 
Jerusalem,  so  may  the  congregated  races  of  this  land  hear  the  one  voice  of 
authority  and  obey  it.  And  may  there  be  not  only  a  union  of  authority, 
but  a  union  of  affection.  Let  us  love  one  another. 

Let  all  the  people,  in  this  land  unite;  we  are  all  of  the  same  destiny, 
alike  in  joy,  alike  in  suffering,  travelling  through  the  dark  passes  of  this 
valley  of  tears;  let  all  love  one  another  as  we  have  so  much  in  common. 
And  also,  O  Spirit  of  God,  if  in  the  past  there  have  been  any  races  to 
whom  this  charity  has  not  been  extended,  in  the  future  let  it  be  manifested. 
Let  not  the  people  whose  fathers  were  enslaved,  be  made  to  feel  their  in 
feriority.  The  children  of  the  forest,  whose  fathers  once  owned  the  glorious 
mountains  and  rivers  and  rich  plains  and  laughing  valleys  of  this  land,  O 
let  them  also  be  considered  more  favorably.  Let  us  discharge  faithfully  and 
perseveringly  our  duty  towards  them. 

O  Eternal  Spirit,  spirit  of  love,  spirit  of  unity,  banish  all  religious  big 
otry  from  this  glorious  young  nation.  Let  us  all,  whilst  prepared  to  die  for 
every  doctrine  in  which  we  pelieve,  not  allow  this  to  interfere  with  our 
brotherly  affection.  As  our  Divine  Lord  who  said  "salvation  is  of  the 
Jews,"  did  also  give  to  man  for  all  time  the  heterodox  Samaritan  as  the 
example  of  true  fraternal  affection,  so  would  he  have  us  know  that  differ 
ence  of  religion  should  not  impede  practical  common  works  of  charity. 
8 


114  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

In  fine,  O  Spirit  of  God,  look  down  upon  this  united  people.  O 
look  down  upon  the  blood  that  leaps  through  its  veins,  the  rejuvenated 
blood  of  the  old  races  that  Thou  didst  bless  in  the  past.  Give  us  love  for 
Thee,  loyalty  to  Thee,  our  God,  loyalty  to  our  country,  loyalty  to  the  com 
mon  flag,  that  walking  in  the  light  of  intelligence,  and  in  the  vigor  of 
chastity,  we  may  work  out  our  manifest  destiny  as  a  people  during  time, 
and  in  eternity  join  the  chorus  of  all  the  nations  of  the  universe,  singing 
forever  "Glory  be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghost." 
Amen. 

RULES  I  AND  XII. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  first  business  in  order  is  the  unfin 
ished  business  coming  over  from  yesterday,  and  on  that  the  Chair  recog 
nizes  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  QUAY). 

Mr.  M.  S.  QUAY,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  take  the  floor  simply 
for  the  purpose  of  withdrawing,  with  the  consent  of  the  Convention,  the 
amendment  I  'offered  yesterday  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  with 
draws  the  amendment  which  he  yesterday  offered  to  the  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Rules.  The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  Rules  I  and  12  as  re 
ported  by  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business. 

Rules  I  and  XII  were  agreed  to. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  rules  have  now  been  adopted  as  a 
whole. 

NOMINATION   OF  CANDIDATE   FOR   PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  nomina 
tion  of  a  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  The 
Clerk  will  call  the  roll  of  States,  etc.,  for  the  presentation  of  the  names  of 
candidates. 

The  READING  CLERK  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  P.  D.  BARKER,  of  Alabama  (when  Alabama  was  called). — Alabama 
yields  to  Ohio. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Alabama  yields  to  Ohio. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman — 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  (Mr.  FORAKER). 

NOMINATING  SPEECH  OF  HON.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  OF  OHIO. 

Mr.  JOSEPH  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio: 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  Alabama  yields  to 
Ohio,  and  I  thank  Alabama  for  that  accommodation.  Alabama  has  so 
yielded,  however,  by  reason  of  a  fact  that  would  seem  in  an  important  sense 
to  make  the  duty  that  has  been  assigned  to  me  a  superfluous  duty,  for 
Alabama  has  yielded  because  our  candidate  for  the  Presidency  has, 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  115 

in  effect,  been  already  nominated.  (Applause.)  He  was  nominated  by  the 
distinguished  Senator  from  Colorado  when  he  assumed  the  duties  of  tem 
porary  chairman.  He  was  nominated  again  yesterday  by  the  distinguished 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  when  he  took  the  office  of  permanent  chair 
man;  and  he  was  nominated  for  a  third  time  when  the  Senator  from  Indiana 
yesterday  read  us  the  platform.  (Applause.)  And  not  only  has  he  been 
thus  nominated  by  this  Convention,  but  he  has  also  been  nominated  by  the 
whole  American  people.  (Applause.) 

From  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other,  in  every  mind  only  one  and  the 
same  man  is  thought  of  for  the  honor  which  we  are  now  about  to  confer, 
and  that  man  is  the  first  choice  of  every  other  man  who  wishes  Republican 
success  next  November.  (Applause.) 

On  this  account  it  is  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  or  any  one  else  to 
speak  for  him  here  or  elsewhere.  He  has  already  spoken  for  himself  (ap 
plause),  and  to  all  the  world.  He  has  a  record  replete  with  brilliant  achieve 
ments  (applause),  a  record  that  speaks  at  once  both  his  promises  and  his 
highest  eulogy. 

It  comprehends  both  peace  and  war,  and  constitutes  the  most  striking 
illustration  possible  of  triumphant  and  inspiriting  fidelity  and  success  in  the 
discharge  of  public  duty. 

Four  years  ago  the  American  people  confided  to  him  their  highest  and 
most  sacred  trust.  Behold,  with  what  results! 

He  found  the  industries  of  the  country  paralyzed  and  prostrated;  he 
quickened  them  with  a  new  life  that  has  brought  to  the  American  people 
a  prosperity  unprecedented  in  all  their  history. 

He  found  the  labor  of  the  country  everywhere  idle;  he  has  given  it 
everywhere  employment.  He  found  it  everywhere  in  despair;  he  has  made 
it"  everywhere  prosperous  and  buoyant  with  hope. 

He  found  the  mills  and  shops  and  factories  and  mines  everywhere  closed; 
they  are  everywhere  now  open.  (Applause.)  And  while  we  here  deliberate 
they  are  sending  their  surplus  products  in  commercial  conquest  to  the  ends 
of  the  earth. 

Under  his  wise  guidance  our  financial  standard  has  been  firmly  planted 
high  above  and  beyond  assault,  and  the  wild  cry  of  sixteen  to  one,  so  full 
of  terror  in  1896,  has  been  hushed  to  everlasting  sleep  alongside  of  the  lost 
cause,  and  other  cherished  Democratic  heresies,  in  the  catacombs  of  Ameri 
can  politics.  (Applause.) 

With  a  diplomacy  never  excelled  and  rarely  equalled  he  has  overcome 
what  at  times  seemed  to  be  insurmountable  difficulties,  and  has  not  only 
opened  to  as  the  door  of  China,  but  he  has  advanced  our  interests  in  every 
land. 

Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  not  surprised  by  this,  for  we  anticipated  it  all. 
When  we  nominated  him  at  St.  Louis  four  years  ago,  we  knew  he  was  wise, 
we  knew  he  was  brave,  we  knew  he  was  patient,  we  knew  he  would  be  faith 
ful  and  devoted,  and  we  knew  that  the  greatest  possible  triumphs  of  peace 


116  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

would  be  his;  but  we  then  little  knew  that  he  would  be  called  upon  to  en 
counter  also  the  trials  of  war.  That  unusual  emergency  came.  It  came  un 
expectedly — as  wars  generally  come.  It  came  in  spite  of  all  he  could  hon 
orably  do  to  avert  it.  It  came  to  find  the  country  unprepared  for  it,  but  it 
found  him  equal  to  all  its  extraordinary  requirements.  (Applause.) 

It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  in  all  American  history  there  is  no  chap 
ter  more  brilliant  than  that  which  chronicles,  with  him  as  our  commander- 
in-chief,  our  victories  on  land  and  sea.  (Applause.) 

In  one  hundred  days  we  drove  Spain  from  the  Western  Hemisphere, 
girdled  the  earth  with  our  acquisitions  and  rilled  the  world  with  the  splendor 
of  our  power.  (Applause.) 

In  consequence  the  American  name  has  a  greater  significance  now.  Our 
flag  has  a  new  glory.  It  not  only  symbolizes  human  liberty  and  political 
equality  at  home,  but  it  means  freedom  and  independence  for  the  long- 
suffering  patriots  of  Cuba,  and  complete  protection,  education,  enlighten 
ment,  uplifting  and  ultimate  local  self-government  and  the  enjoyment  of 
all  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  millions  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines. 
What  we  have  so  gloriously  done  for  ourselves  we  propose  most  gener 
ously  to  do  for  them.  (Applause.)  We  have  so  declared  in  the  platform 
that  we  have  here  adopted.  A  fitting  place  it  is  for  this  party  to  make  such 
declaration,  here  in  this  magnificent  city  of  Philadelphia,  where  the  evi 
dences  so  abound  of  the  rich  blessings  the  Republican  party  has  brought 
to  the  American  people.  Here  at  the  birthplace  of  the  nation,  where  our 
own  declaration  of  independence  was  adopted  and  our  Constitution  was 
framed;  where  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Hancock  and  John  Adams 
and  their  illustrious  associates 'wrought  their  immortal  work;  here  where 
center  so  many  historic  memories  that  stir  the  blood,  flush  the  cheek,  and 
excite  the  sentiments  of  liberty,  humanity  and  patriotism  is  indeed  a  most 
fitting  place  for  the  party  of  Lincoln  and  Grant  and  Garfield  and  Elaine 
(applause),  the  party  of  Union  and  Liberty  for  all  men,  to  formally  dedicate 
themselves  to  this  great  duty. 

Wre  are  now  in  the  midst  of  Its  discharge.  We  could  not  turn  back  if 
we  would,  and  would  not  if  we  could.  (Applause.)  We  are  on  trial  before 
the  world,  and  must  triumphantly  meet  our  responsibilities,  or  ignomin- 
iously  fail  in  the  presence  of  mankind. 

These  responsibilities  speak  to  this  Convention  here  and  now,  and  com 
mand  us  that  we  choose  to  be  our  candidate  and  the  next  President — which 
is  one  and  the  same  thing — the  best  fitted  man  for  the  discharge  of  this  great 
duty  in  all  the  Republic.  (Applause.) 

On  that  point  there  is  no  difference  of  opinion.  No  man  in  all  the  na 
tion  is  so  well  qualified  for  this  trust  as  the  great  leader  under  whom  the 
work  has  been  so  far  conducted.  He  has  the  head,  he  has  the  heart,  he 
has  the  special  knowledge  and  the  special  experience  that  qualify  him  be 
yond  all  others.  And,  Mr.  Chairman,  he  has  also  the  stainless  reputation 
and  character,  and  has  the  blameless  life  that  endear  him  to  his  countrymen 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  117 

and  give  to  him  the  confidence,  the  respect,  the  admiration,  the  love  and  the 
affection  of  the  whole  American  people.  (Applause.) 

He  is  an  ideal  man,  representing  the  highest  type  of  American  citizen 
ship,  an  ideal  candidate  and  an  ideal  President.  With  our  banner  in  his 
hands  it  will  be  carried  to  triumphant  victory  in  November.  (Applause.) 

In  the  name  of  all  these  considerations,  not  alone  on  behalf  of  his  be 
loved  State  of  Ohio,  but  on  behalf  of  every  other  State  and  Territory  here 
represented,  and  in  the  name  of  all  Republicans  everywhere  throughout 
our  jurisdiction,  I  nominate  to  be  our  next  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
William  McKinley.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,   OF  NEW  YORK. 

Mr.  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman  and  my  fellow 
delegates,  my  beloved  Republicans  and  Americans,  I  rise  to  second  the 
nomination  of  William  McKinley,  the  President  who  has  had  to  face  more 
numerous  and  graver  problems  than  any  other  President  since  the  days  of 
the  mighty  Lincoln,  and  who  has  faced  them.  (Applause.) 

Four  years  ago  the  Republicans  made  William  McKinley  their  nominee 
for  President.  The  Republican  nominee,  even  before  a  fortnight  had 
passed,  he  had  become  the  candidate  not  merely  of  all  Republicans  but  of 
all  Americans  far-sighted  enough  to  see  where  the  true  interests  of  the 
nation  lay,  and  keenly  sensitive  to  the  national  honor.  (Applause.)  Four 
years  ago  we  were  confronted  with  the  gravest  crisis  which  this  nation  has 
had  to  face  since  .Appomattox  was  won  and  the  civil  war  came  to  a  close. 
(Applause.)  We  were  confronted  by  a  situation  where,  if  our  opponents 
had  triumphed,  it  meant  not  only  an  immense  aggravation  of  the  existing 
and  already  well-nigh  intolerable  physical  distress,  but  a  stain  on  the  na 
tional  honor  so  deep  that  a  generation  would  have  had  to  pass  away  before 
it  could  have  been  wiped  out.  (Applause.) 

We  appealed  to  the  nation  to  put  William  McKinley  in  the  first  place 
on  the  two  simple  issues  that  if  he  were  elected  prosperity  would  come  to 
the  country  and  the  country's  honor  would  be  upheld  at  home  and  abroad. 
(Applause.)  We  did  not  promise  the  impossible.  We  did  not  say  that 
prosperity  would  come  to  every  man,  no  matter  whether  that  man  did  or 
did  not  try  to  get  it.  In  the  long  run  each  man's  own  thrift,  industry  and 
energy  must  be  the  prime  factors  in  determining  his  success.  (Applause.) 
No  legislation  can  supply  their  lack,  but  it  is  easy  enough,  by  unwise  or 
dishonest  legislation  or  administration,  to  nullify  them  absolutely,  and  it 
is,  though  less  easy,  possible  by  good  administration,  clean  and  wise  legis 
lation,  to  give  them  the  freest  possible  scope.  And  it  was  that  scope  which 
we  promised  should  be  given. 

Well,  we  kept  our  word.  The  opportunity  was  given,  and  it  was  seized 
by  American  energy,  ingenuity  and  thrift,  with  the  result  that  this  country 
now,  as  we  sit  here,  has  reached  a  pitch  of  prosperity  never  before  attained 
in  the  nation's  history. 


118  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

So  it  has  been  in  foreign  affairs.  Four  years  ago  the  nation  was  uneasy 
because  at  our  very  doors  an  American  Island  was  writhing  in  hideous 
agony  under  a  worse  than  mediaeval  despotism.  We  had  our  Armenia  at 
our  threshold.  The  situation  in  Cuba  had  become  such  that  we  could 
no  longer  stand  quiet  and  retain  one  shred  of  self-respect.  The  President 
faced  this  duty  as  he  faced  all  others.  (Applause.)  He  exhausted  every 
expedient  to  get  Spain  to  withdraw  peacefully  from  the  island  which  she 
was  impotent  to  do  aught  than  oppress,  and  when  every  peaceful  means 
had  failed,  we  drew  the  sword  and  waged  the  most  righteous  and  brilliantly 
successful  foreign  war  that  this  generation  has  seen.  (Applause.) 

It  was  not  a  great  war  because  it  did  not  have  to  be  (laughter) ;  because 
when  we  could  accomplish  a  result  with  one  finger,  we  did  not  need  to 
exert  all  our  strength.  But  it  was  momentous  indeed  in  its  effect.  And 
like  every  other  great  feat  that  has  ever  been  performed  in  the  history  of 
humanity,  it  left  those  who  performed  it  not  only  a  heritage  of  honor,  but 
a  heritage  of  responsibility.  (Applause.)  Great  is  our  responsibility;  heavy 
indeed;  and  we  are  meeting  it  as  it  must  be  met  when  President  McKinley 
sends  to  the  Island  men  like  Wood,  and  Taft,  and  Allen;  men  whose  names 
are  synonyms  of  integrity  and  honesty,  and  earnests  of  the  fact  that  we  in 
tend  that  in  those  islands  liberty,  justice  and  orderly  law  shall  prevail  from 
now  onward.  (Applause.) 

This  is  what  the  nation  has  done  during  the  three  years  of  President 
McKinley's  administration,  and  this  is  what  he  stands  for  and  typifies.  To 
him  it  has  been  given — and  thrice  blessed  the  man  to  whom  such  is  given — 
to  embody  in  his  own  personality  all  that  is  loftiest,  most  earnest,  most 
disinterested  in  the  Nation's  hope,  in  the  Nation's  desire,  and  to  represent 
the  Nation's  strength  in  the  struggle  for  righteousness.  (Applause.) 

We  have  done  so  well  that  our  opponents  actually  use  the  fact  as  an 
argument  for  turning  us  out.  (Laughter.)  We  have  put  our  economic 
policy  on  a  basis  so  stable,  we  have  enacted  such  wise  financial  legislation 
that  they  turn  to  the  wise  and  honest  men  who  deserted  them  at  the  last 
election  and  beg  them  to  come  back  and  support  them  now  because  even 
if  they  do  get  in  we  will  prevent  them  from  doing  the  harm  they  would  like 
to  do.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I  am  not  exaggerating.  That  is  the 
exact  argument  they  use;  and  to  all  who  might  be  affected  by  it  let  me 
address  one  word  of  warning.  Wise  legislation  is  vitally  important,  but 
honest  administration  is  even  more  important.  (Applause.)  No  matter 
how  perfect  our  financial  legislation,  if  the  management  of  the  national 
finances  were  entrusted  to  any  man  who  would  be  acceptable  to  the  Popu- 
listic  Democracy  of  to-day,  we  should  be  plunged  back  into  an  abyss  of 
shame,  disgrace  and  business  chaos. 

Our  opponents  have  not  any  more  even  the  poor  excuse  of  honesty  for 
their  folly.  They  have  raved  against 'trusts,  they  have  foamed  at  the  mouth 
in  prating  of  impossible  remedies  they  would  like  to  adopt;  and  now  in 
my  own  State  we  have  discovered  all  of  the  chief  leaders  of  the  Democracy, 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  119 

including  that  leader  before  whom  the  other  lesser  leaders  stand  with  bared 
heads  and  trembling  knees  (laughter)  in  a  trust  which  really  is  of  infamous 
and  perhaps  of  criminal  character.  (Applause.)  These  apostles  of  De 
mocracy,  these  prophets  of  the  new  dispensation,  have  themselves  been  dis 
covered  in  a  trust  through  which  they  hope  to  wring  fortunes  for  them 
selves  from  the  dire  needs  of  their  poorer  brethren.  (Applause.)  I  pity 
the  Democratic  orator  who  in  New  York  State  this  fall  speaks  the  word 
"trusts."  (Laughter.) 

Now  for  the  Philippines.  The  insurrection  still  goes  on  because  the 
allies  in  this  country  of  the  bloody  insurrectionary  oligarchy  in  Luzon  have 
taught  their  foolish  dupes  to  believe  that  Democratic  success  at  the  polls 
next  November  means  the  abandonment  of  the  islands  to  the  savages,  who 
would  scramble  for  the  bloody  plunder  until  some  other  strong  civilized 
nation  came  in  to  do  the  work  that  we  would  have  shown  ourselves  unfit 
to  perform.  (Applause.)  Our  success  in  November  means  peace  in  the 
islands.  The  success  of  our  opponents  means  an  indefinite  prolongation 
of  the  present  bloody  struggle. 

We  nominate  President  McKinley  because  he  stands  indeed  for  honesty 
at  home  and  for  honor  abroad  (applause);  because  he  stands  for  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  material  prosperity  which  has  brought  comfort  to  every 
home  in  the  Union;  and  because  he  stands  for  that  kind  of  policy  which 
consists  in  making  performance  square  with  promise.  (Applause.) 

We  stand  on  the  threshold  of  a  new  century  big  with  the  fate  of  mighty 
nations.  It  rests  with  us  now  to  decide 'whether  in  the  opening  years  of  that 
century  we  shall  march  forward  to  fresh  triumphs  or  whether  at  the  outset 
we  shall  cripple  ourselves  for  the  contest.  Is  America  a  weakling,  to  shrink 
from  the  world-work  of  the  great  world-powers?  (Applause.)  No.  The 
young  giant  of  the  West  stands  on  a  continent  and  clasps  the  crest  of  an 
ocean  in  either  hand.  (Applause.)  Our  nation,  glorious  in  youth  and 
strength,  looks  into  the  future  with  eager  eyes  and  rejoices  as  a  strong 
man  to  run  a  race.  We  do  not  stand  in  craven  mood  asking  to  be  spared 
the  task,  cringing  as  we  look  on  the  contest.  No.  We  challenge  the  proud 
privilege  of  doing  the  work  that  Providence  allots  us,  and  we  face  the  com 
ing  years  high  of  heart  and  resolute  of  faith  that  to  our  people  is  given  the 
right  to  win  such  honor  and  renown  as  has  never  yet  been  vouchsafed  to 
the  nations  of  mankind.  (Great  applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  JOHN  M.  THURSTON,  OF  NEBRASKA. 

Mr.  JOHN  M.  THURSTON,  of  Nebraska. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 
There  are  voices  to-day  more  powerful  and  eloquent  than  those  of  men 
seconding  the  nomination  of  William  McKinley.  They  come  from  the 
forest,  and  the  farm,  the  mountain  and  the  valley,  the  North,  the  South, 
the  East  and  the  West.  They  are  the  voices  of  happy  homes,  of  gladdened 
hearts,  of  bustling,  toiling,  striving,  earnest,  prosperous  millions,  of  re- 


120  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

established  business,  re-employed  labor,  re-opened  factories,  renewed  na 
tional  credit  and  faith.  (Applause.) 

In  all  the  whole  broad  land  every  furnace  fire  that  roars,  every  spindle 
that  sings,  every  whistle  that  blows,  every  mountain  torrent  set  to  toil, 
every  anvil  that  rings,  every  locomotive  that  screams,  every  steamship  that 
plows  'the  main,  every  mighty  wheel  that  turns,  are  all  joining  in  the  glad, 
grand  voice  of  prosperous,  progressive,  patriotic  America,  seconding  the 
nomination  of  our  great  President,  William  McKinley.  (Applause.) 

And  who  is  'William  McKinley? 

Born  of  the  common  people,  struggling  up  through  the  environments 
of  humble  boyhood  and  toil,  he  stands  to-day 'before  the  world — the  fore 
most  representative  of  all  that  is  most  glorious  and  grand  in  our  uplifted 
civilization.  (Applause.) 

Who  is  William  McKinley? 

A  citizen  soldier  of  the  Republic,  a  boy  volunteer,  knighted  by  his  coun 
try's  commission  for  daring  deeds  in  the  forefront  of  desperate  battle. 

His  Alma 'Mater  was  the  tented  field,  his  diploma  of  valor  bore  the  same 
signature  as  did  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  (Applause.) 

When  Sheridan,  summoned  by  the  mighty  roar  of  doubtful  battle,  rode 
madly  down  from  Winchester  and  drew  nigh  to  the  shattered  and  retreat 
ing  columns  of  his  army,  the  first  man  he  met,  to  know,  was  a  young  lieu 
tenant  engaged  in  the  desperate  work  of  rallying  and  reforming  the  Union 
lines,  making  ready  for  the  coming  of  the  master,  whose  presence  and 
genius  alone  could  wrest  victory  from  defeat.  That  young  lieutenant  of  the 
Shenandoah  has  been  rallying  and  forming  'the  Union  lines  from  that  day 
to  this.  (Applause.)  He  rallied  and  formed  them  for  the.  protection  of 
American  labor;  he  rallied  and  formed  them  to  maintain  the  credit  of  our 
country  and  the  monetary  standard  of  the  civilized  world.  He  rallied  and 
formed  them  in  the  great  struggle 'of  humanity  and  sent  the  power  of  the 
Republic  to  the  islands  of  the  sea,  that  a  suffering  people  might  be  lifted 
from  the  depths  of  tyranny  and  oppression.  He  rallied  and  formed  them 
that  our  navies  might  astound  the  world  and  make  our  flag  respected  in 
all  the  earth.  He  rallied  and  formed 'them  that  law  and  order  might  pre 
vail  and  life  and  liberty  and  property  be  secure  where  the  banner  of  the 
Republic  waves  in  sovereignty  above  our  new 'possessions  in  the  East.  (Ap 
plause.) 

His  name  is  on  every  tongue,  his  love  in  every  heart,  his  fame  secure  in 
all  time  to  come  and  his  re-election  by  the  people,  whose  welfare  and  honor 
he  has  so  jealously  guarded  and  maintained,  is  as  certain  as  the  rising  of 
the  morning  sun.  (Applause.) 

I  cannot,  dare  not  stand  longer  between  this  Convention  and  its  will. 
You  are  the  delegates  of  the  people.  You  represent  their  wish  as  it  is  soon 
to  be  unanimously  recorded.  Of  the,  outcome  of  the  contest  that  is  to  fol 
low,  we  have  no  lingering  doubt,  for  we  trust  the  intelligence  of  the 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  121 

American  people   and  we   believe   in  the  justice   of  Almighty   God.      (Ap 
plause.) 

Other  candidates  of  other  parties  will  seek  the  public  confidence  and  the 
popular  vote.  Hawks  and  buzzards  sometimes  soar  aloft  until  they  cheat 
the  human  vision  to  believe  them  eagles;  but  the  eagle  calmly  circles  high 
above  them  all,  the  one  sole  peerless  monarch  of  the  snow-capped  peaks 
and  the  empyrean  blue.  (Applause.)  So  in  the  realm  of  statesmanship  of 
the  United  States,  William  McKinley  stands  above  all  others,  the  worthy 
successor  of  Washington,  Lincoln,  Grant  and  Garfield — our  President  now — 
our  President  to  be — William  McKinley,  of  Ohio.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  JOHN  W.  YERKES,  OF  KENTUCKY. 

Mr.  JOHN  W.  YERKES,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Fellow  Dele 
gates:  The  supreme  thought  in  my  mind  at  this  moment  is  what  remains 
to  be  said  that  ought  to  be  said;  and  as  in  time  of  danger  one's  thought 
naturally  turns  to  his  home,  I  recall  that  in  the  'historic  Philadelphia  Re 
publican  Convention  of  1856  liberty-loving  men  from  my  State  sat  as  dele 
gates.  In  contrast  with  this  immense  audience,  this  huge  hall  with  its 
splendor  of  decoration  and  its  superb  equipment,  that  gathering  would 
seem  to  be  of  small  import.  But  in  devotion  to  freedom,  in  intensity  and 
force  of  utterance,  in  eternal  results,  that  assemblage  has  no  peer  in  the 
history  of  conventions.  (Applause.) 

Forty  3*ears  after  that  body  adjourned  Kentucky  for  the  first  time  gave 
her  electoral  vote  to  a  Republican  Presidential  candidate,  Major  William 
McKinley.  (Applause.)  Recognized  as  a  citidel  of  Democracy  she  had 
capitulated  .to  the  Republicans  in  the  noted  State  campaign  of  1895.  She 
was  Republican  in  1896,  Republican  in  1899,  is  Republican  to-day  (ap 
plause),  and  as  such  she  seconds  this  nomination. 

It  would  be,  gentlemen,  but  a  fitting  tribute  to  our  President  and  to  the 
industrial,  commercial,  diplomatic  and  martial  victories  of  his  administra 
tion  if  every  State  placed  the  stamp  of  its  approval  upon  his  course  of*  con 
duct  (applause);  and  if  opportunity  were  given  there  would  join  in  this 
majestic  chorus  of  national  endorsement  voices  coming  across  the  waters 
from  our  new  to  our' old  shores;  voices  coming  from  our  insular  posses 
sions  to  this  venerable  city  where  a  nation  was  born  consecrated  to  lib 
erty,  to  freedom  and  to  independence;  and  what  more  fitting  place  for  this 
universal  chorus  to  sound  forth  than  in  this  old-time  city?  These  voices 
that  would  come  from  abroad  would  ring  out  from  every  home  over  which 
for  the  first  time  the  flag  of  freedom  floats,  and  that  by  the  orders^  of  our 
President. 

Furthermore,  to-day  they  are  linked  to  our  progress  and  to  our  destiny, 
and  therefore  stable  'government,  domestic  tranquility  and  Christian  civili 
zation  are  assured  to  them,  and  just  as  Lincoln's  name  sounds  to  the  eman 
cipated  slave  and  his  children,  so  the  name  of  President  McKinley  will  be 
to  these  liberated  millions  of  political  serfs.  (Applause.) 


122  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

We  believe  that  with  the  same  leadership  and  the  same  policies  which 
gave  us  victory  in  1896,  the  same  winning  will  be  repeated  in  1900.  Then  it 
was  a  campaign  of  instruction,  of  argument,  of  promise  of  better  days,  of 
trying  to  teach  the  people  to  trust  and  rely  on  our  plans  and  purposes. 
Now  it  will  be  a  campaign  in  which  we  will  show  what  has  been  accom 
plished,  prophecies  fulfilled  and  pledges  redeemed.  It  will  be  a  presenta 
tion  of  actualities,  of  facts.  You  will  have  a  rapid  portraiture,  you  will 
have  a  shifting 'panoramic  view  of  the  present  as  compared  with  the  past; 
and  whether  this  •  comparison  be  made  by  the  speaker  on  the  hustings,  in 
the  public  press,  in  the  pamphlet,  in  the  marvelous  lines  of  the  modern 
cartoonist,  it  will  present  an  'argument  so  forcible  that  the  minds  of  the 
people  can  not  escape  it.  If  there  be  left  among  us  plain,  practical,  com 
mon,  everyday  sense,  then  the  columns  that  followed  President  McKinley's 
leadership  four  years  ago  will  be  doubled  in  enthusiasm  and  in  numbers 
this  year.  (Applause.) 

We  support  him 'for  our  faith  in  him;  for  our  confidence  in  his  character, 
in  his  capacity;  for  his  splendid  personality;  'for  his  broad  Americanism, 
for  what  he  is,  for  what  he  has  done,  and  for  what  he  stands  pledged  to  do. 
In  all  these  years  of  his  office-holding  as  member  of  your  National  Legis 
lature,  as  Governor,  as  President,  his  robes  have  always  been  and  are  to 
day  as  spotless  as  the  snows  which  crown  our  mountain  peaks.  (Ap 
plause.) 

In  Kentucky  we  know  something  of  what  it  is  to  meet  the  conflicts 
and  the  antagonisms  that  are  born  and  which  reach  maturity  when 
vicious  minorities  under  guise  of  law,  attempt  to  destroy  popular 
sovereignty,  'debauch  the  ballot  box,  trample  under  foot  civil  liberty  and 
political  freedom,  and  deny  to  the  people  the  guaranteed  right  to  select 
those  who  shall  rule  over  them,  and  to  'be  represented  by  officials  of  their 
free  choice.  (Applause).  While  to  us  a  strong  foreign  policy,  the  war  and 
peace,  both  coming  at  humanity's  call,  the  wise  currency  legislation,  the 
proper  protection  of  American  industries,  American  labor,  and  all  American 
products,  appeal  with  force  and  directness,  yet  gentlemen,  the  right-minded 
men  in  Kentucky  are  Republicans  because  they  are  contending  for  a  free 
ballot  and  a  fair  count.  (Applause.)  'They  are  Republicans  because  this 
party  by  its  traditions,  by  its  history,  by  its  platform  declarations  from  the 
beginning  is 'pledged  to  the  maintenance  and  the  protection  of  representa 
tive  government  and  of  an  untrammeled  suffrage.  (Applause.) 

In  1896  we  gave  you  an  old,  representative  slave-holding  State.  By  so 
doing  we  removed  one  charge  against  our  party,  that  it  was  sectional. 
The  Ohio  river  was  crossed;  Republicanism  marched  southward,  and  'this 
sectional  line  disappeared  from  the  map.  We  will  do  it  again.  (Applause.) 
We  will  show  the  people  of  the  North  and 'the  South  and  the  East  that  Re 
publicanism — to  use  the  language  of  our  distinguished  chairman — means 
action,  and  is  always  moving  forward.  (Applause.)  I  am  a  Kentuckian, 
a  lover  of  my  native  State,  believing  in  the  ultimate  integrity  and  honesty 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  123 

of  her  citizens.  I  have  the  fullest  confidence  in  them.  I  believe  they  will 
make  final  response  to  right  arguments,  and  that  that  response  will  be  made 
at  our  polls  next  November,  in  electing  electors  to  vote  for  President  Wil 
liam  McKinley  for  re-election.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  GEORGE  A.  KNIGHT,  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Mr.  GEORGE  A.  KNIGHT,  of  California. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of 
the  Convention,  if  my 'history  serves  me  right,  this  is  an  anniversary  day 
for  California.  I  believe  the  reason  why ' Philadelphia  was  chosen  for  hold 
ing  this  Republican  Convention  was  in  commemoration  of  the  first  Repub 
lican  Convention,  and  its  nominees.  Amid  these  historic  surroundings  I 
feel  quite  at  home.  Forty-four  years  ago  the  Republican  party  met  in 
National  Convention  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia  and  nominated  a  ticket 
asking  the  support  of  the  loyal,  liberty-loving  citizens  of  the  Union.  I 
am  not  a  resident  of  your  State,  neither  am  I  familiar  with  the  surroundings 
of  your  beautiful  city.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  this  time  and  these  few  days 
I  have  been  here  have  been  an  anniversary  for  the  State  of  California. 
Forty-four  years  ago  John  C.  Fremont,  the  weird  pathfinder  of  the  Pacific, 
was  named  by  the  Republican  National  Convention  for  President  of  the 
United  States.  He  crossed  the  level  plains,  climbed  the  mountains  of  rock 
and  viewed  the  promised  land — California — God  bless  her;  with  a  climate 
soft  as  a  mother's  smile;  with  a  soil  fruitful  as  God's  love;  an  Eden  in  her 
self;  broad  enough  for  an  empire — the  Democrats  did  not  want  her  as  a 
part  of  this  great  National  Union.  (Applause.) 

California  came  into  the  Union  a  free  State,  heralding  the  idea  that  no 
man  under  the  shadow  of  our  flag,  no  matter  what  his  color  might  be, 
should  be  a  slave.  Believing  in  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  and  his  just 
claim  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  Firmly  convinced  of 
the  wisdom  of  Washington's  idea  of  protection,  advocating  Jefferson's  im 
perialism,  California's  admission  into  the  Union  was  significant  and  most 
important.  Had  she  come  into  the  Union  a  slave  State,  the  reign  of  the 
dominant  power  for  fifty-five  years  would  have  been  continued  and  the 
destiny  of  this  Republic  would  have  been  problematic. 

California  elected  John  C.  Fremont  one  of  her  first  United  States  Sena 
tors,  and  sent  him  back  to  Washington  as  a  pledge  of  faith  that  California 
was  true  to  the  fundamental  principles  that  to-day  has  made  us  the  greatest 
nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Therefore,  I  rejoice  with  you  to-day  and 
the  Republican  party  when  you  commemorate  the  nomination  of  the  Cali- 
fornian  who  carried  the  banner  of  Republicanism  in  the  early  days  of  its 
sorest  trial. 

The  Convention  is  impatient.  You  have  had  much  work  to  do  and  I 
will  not  undertake  to  make  a  political  speech.  The  time  is  not  opportune 
for  me  to  talk  of  the  Republican  party  and  its  work,  and  I  will  not,  at  this 
time,  undertake  so  great  a  task.  It  has  written  the  history  of  this  Govern 
ment  for  every  school  child  to  read  for  the  last  thirty-five  years.  There  is 
not  a  principle  that  has  been  advocated  by  the  party  since  '61,  that  has  not 


124  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

been  incorporated  and  crystalized  into  statutory  or  organic  law.  There  is 
net  a  name  that  is  associated  with  the  advancement  and  the  civilization  of 
our  people — be  he  high  or  low — that  has  not  walked  under  the  banner  of 
Republicanism,  and. voted  our  National  ticket.  We  are  tired  of  history; 
\ve  want  to  teach  your  children  geography,  and  the  text  books  of  two  years 
ago  cannot  guide  the  young  mind  of  to-day  on  account  of  the  advancement 
and  work  of  the  Republican  party  of  this  nation.  We  have  changed  the 
map  and  the  flag  floats  now  under  skies  that  never  knew  it  before. 

In  California  we  know  what  expansion  means.  In  California  we  want 
this  great  and  liberal  nation  to  be  equal  to  the  occasion  that  offers  itself 
to  it.  Happy  circumstances  shook  the  world's  dice  box  of  opportunity  and 
we  won  in  the  throw.  The  prizes  came  not  from  the  sky  of  blue  but  from 
the  ocean,  and  Hawaii  and  the  Philippine  Archipelago,  fresh  from  the  soft 
creation  of  the  wave,  were  added  to  our  nation's  domain.  The  King  of 
Commerce  has  tapped  us  on  the  shoulder  and  said:  "I  am  coming  to  the 
Fair  Pacific  to  make  her  my  sea-side  home." 

California  welcomes  commerce;  she  is  glad  that  conquest  prepared  the 
way  for  her  peaceful  presence. 

We  know  what  anti-expansion  is  in  California.  Had  the  advocates  of 
that  doctrine  had  their  way,  my  fair  State  would  never  have  been  admitted 
into  the  Union.  Opposition  most  strong  to  the  acquisition  of  California 
was  made  by  Senator  Corwin  of  Ohio  in  the  United  States  Senate  in  1847, 
and  by  all  the  gifts  of  oratory  and  tne  persuasion  of  speech,  he  sought  to 
influence  our  Government  in  its  war  with  Mexico,  to  withdraw  from  the 
contest  and  not  claim  my  favored  section  as  a  necessary  piece  of  territory 
for  our  nation.  We  had  an  advocate  in  the  Senator  from  Michigan  who 
told  of  the  unknown  country — California — and  incidentally  mentioned  that 
he  had  been  told  that  the  San  Francisco  Bay  was  one  of  the  finest-  in  the 
world  and  that  we  ought  to  have  it.  He  predicted  that  some  day  the  United 
States  would  grow  out  to  the  Pacific  and,  as  a  matter  of  precaution,  ad 
vised  that  California  be  retained  as  a  part  and  parcel  of  our  possessions  to 
be  used  in  the  future.  In  a  most  emphatic,  scholarly  and  well-prepared 
speech,  Senator  Corwin  combatted  the  idea  of  ever  purchasing  California, 
and  based  his  opposition  upon  the  ground  that  it  was  too  far  off  to  be 
practical  and  it  was  unjust  and  indecent  to  take  from  a  weaker  nation. 
Speaking  of  San  Francisco  Bay  he  said:  "The  Senator  from  Michigan  says 
it  is  the  finest  bay  in  the  world  and  we  ought  to  have  it.  Why,  gentlemen, 
it  is  like  a  horse-thief  saying  that  the  reason  he  stole  the  horse  was  because 
it  was  the  best  one  he  could  find."  So,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  you 
see  that  California  has  gone  all  through  this  fight  on  expansion,  and  had 
the  anti-expansionists  of  that  flay  had  their  way,  one  of  the  greatest  States 
in  this  glorious  Union  would  not  have  been  a  star  in  the  field  of  blue  on 
the  National  Flag. 

We  all  know  what  the 'Democratic  party  is;  we  all  know  what  the  Demo 
cratic  party  was;  we  all  know  what  the  Democratic  party  will  be  until  the 
crack  of 'doom.  (Applause  and  laughter).  I  believe  it  has  often  been  said 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  125 

that  our  forefathers  builded  better  than  they  knew.  I  say,  no;  they  knew 
better  than  they  had  an  opportunity  of  building  in  their  day  and  in  their 
time.  (Applause.)  They  had  the  history  of  the  past;  they  had  the  memory 
of  oppression  and  the  tyranny  that  brought  them  to  these  shores.  They 
knew  the  mistakes  of  the  governments  of  the  old  world,  and  they  tried,  as 
best  they  knew,  to  avert  and  avoid  them  in  the  building  of  this  new  and 
great  nation.  One  thing  was  stamped  upon  their  hearts  and  their  minds — 
freedom  to  all  and  equal  rights  before  the  law;  and  that  has  been  one  of  the 
cardinal  principles  of  the  Republican  party.  (Applause.) 

Let  me  tell  you,  fellow  citizens  and  gentlemen  of  this  Conven'.ion,  we 
have  made  no  mistakes  in  our  political  life.  We  have  taken  up  the  pen 
and  written  'into  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  language  so  simple, 
so  musical  and  so  just  in  itself  that  you  would  have  thought  it  was  in  the 
original  draft,  and  was 'the  output  of  the  pen  that  penned  the  original  Con 
stitution  itself.  .  (Applause.) 

One  word  with  respect  to  Mr.  Bryan.  If  in  the  House  of  Parliament  the 
same  speech  and  speeches,  the  same  'sentiments  were  expressed  that  Wil 
liam  J.  Bryan  expresses  under  the  shadow  and  protection  of  our  flag,  ther_j 
is  not  a  man,  woman  or  child  throughout  this  great  domain  who  would  not 
be  willing  to  declare  war  at  once.  Put  into  the  mouth  of  the  representative 
of  any  foreign  power  the  sayings  of  Bryan,  let  our  army  be  attacked,  let 
our  institutions  be  made  fun  of,  let  our  work  be  degraded  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world  by  anybody  but  our  people,  and  war  would  come.  If  it  be  true 
what  Mr.  Bryan  says  about  our  territory,  if  it  be  true  what  he  says  in  criti 
cism  of  our  institutions,  it  ought  to  be  right  to  have  the  whole  civilized 
world  accord  with  him. 

The  Democratic  party  has  always  put  the  arm  of  labor  in  a  sling. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  The  Democratic  party  has  blackened  the  eye  of 
commerce.  (Laughter.)  The  Democratic  party  has  crushed  the  foot  of 
progress.  It  has  put  Uncle  Sam  to  bed  every  time  it  has  had  anything  to  do 
with  the  Government.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  And  besides  that,  it  seeks 
alliances  with  the  vicious  and  the  outcasts  of  other  lands  who  do  not  have 
an  abiding  place  under  the  shadow  of  their  own  flag.  (Applause.)  That  is 
the  indictment  against  it. 

Now,  without  going  'further  into  politics,  let  me  say  that  the  Democrats 
are  going  to  have  a  convention  on  the  Fourth  of  July  in  Kansas  City.  I 
wonder  why  the  Fourth  of  July  was  chosen?  The  Fourth  of  Ju'y!  Do 
you  remember  when — 

Our  bugles  sang  truce,  for  the  night  cloud  had  lowered 
And  the  sentinel  stars  set  their  watch  in  the  sky, 

And  thousands  had  sunk  on  the  ground  overpowered, 
The  weary  to  sleep  and  the  wounded  to  die. 

Among  the  soldiers  who  slept  on  tented  fields  was  William  McKinley, 
and  under  the  stars  of  heaven  he  slept  with  his  heart  on  the  flag.  I  know 
of  no  Democrat  who  has  such  a  record.  From  '61  to  '65 — they  kept  no 


126  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

National  Anniversaries.  I  am  glad  that  my  friend  Roosevelt  has  said  that 
the  Spanish-American  war  was  not  a  great  war.  I  fully  agree  with  him  in 
a  limited  sense.  All  the  smoke  of  the  Spanish-American  war  was  not  in 
cense  to  the  god  of  battles  when  compared  with  the  battles  of  Shiloh, 
Antietam,  Gettysburg  and  the  Wilderness,  and  the  silent  heroes  of  the  past 
who  fought  those  battles  that  the  nation  might  live,  are  entitled  at  this  hour 
and  time  to  the  praise  and  remembrance  of  this  grateful  Convention.  Had 
it  not  been  for  Lincoln,  we  would  have  made  no  nomination  for  President 
of  the  United  States  to-day.  Had  it  not  been  for  Grant,  we  would  have 
had  no  victorious  armies.  Farragut,  lashed  in  the  rigging  of  the  old  Hart 
ford,  his  gray  locks  waving  defiance  to  death  and  danger,  made  Dewey  a 
possibility.  And  while  we  give  all  credit  and  all  honor  to  those  who  so 
successfully  conducted  our  war  with  foreign  lands,  we  must  not  forget  those 
who  made  that  war's  success  a  possibility.  We  will  not  take  any  honor 
from  the  brave  men  who  brought  us  territory  in  the  late  war.  No  grander 
achievement  has  ever  been  chronicled  in  the  history  of  our  country  than 
the  acquisition  of  the  islands  in  the  Pacific.  We  need  them  commercially; 
we  need  them  politically;  we  need  them  in  every  way  that  any  nation  may 
need  territory.  The  dismemberment  of  China  is  sure  to  come.  The  feverish 
conditions  of  the  Orient  are  apparent  to  everyone,  and  to-day  were  it  not 
that  we  own  the  Philippines,  we  would  have  to  send  our  soldiers  thousands 
of  miles  across  the  water  to  protect  the  lives  of  the  representatives  of  our 
flag.  We  need  those  islands  as  a  great  depot  in  the  Pacific  for  the  distribu 
tion  of  the  output  of  our  inventive  genius  and  industrial  hand.  We  are 
proud  that  California's  boys  were  the  first  to  carry  our  flag  on  to  foreign 
shores,  and  we  know  the  guarantee  they  feel  in  their  hearts  that  the  nation 
would  approve  of  their  acts,  will  not  be  a  disappointment.  Some  of  them 
are  over  there  yet  and  will  never  come  back.  Near  the  restless  sea,  amid 
the  spices  and  perfumes  of  the  tropical  land,  Columbia,  Fair  Columbia, 
sighing  for  her  dead,  is  guarding  their  hammocks  that  are  swinging  in 
peaceful  and  eternal  content.  I  think  we  will  keep  the  Philippines. 

And  now  a  word  for  California,  the  regnant  queen.  We  have  built  the 
flagship  upon  which  Dewey  stood  under  the  stars  and  stripes  in  Manila 
Bay;  we  have  fashioned  the  Monterey  and  baptized  her  in  the  waters  of 
San  Francisco  Bay  and  sent  her  sluggishly  along  to  do  the  will  of  the  com 
mander  of  the  fleet  where  she  is  assigned;  we  built  the  Oregon  and  sent 
her  with  the  excursion  of  our  Flag  on  the  grandest  and  greatest  trip  that 
ever  was  known  in  naval  achievement,  that  not  only  astonished  ourselves 
but  the  civilized  world  stood  aghast  at  the  wonderful  perfection  of  these 
water  fighting  machines.  But  we  know  what  master  laid  their  keel;  what 
workman  wrought  their  ribs  of  steel, — and  we  were  not  at  all  alarmed  when 
they  started  out  in  defense  of  the  national  honor  and  defense  of  our  con 
victions  of  right. 

The  time  is  short  and  I  must  close.  The  embodiment  of  all  the  principles 
of  the  Republican  party  I  find  in  William  McKinley,  a  statesman  unexcelled, 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  127 

a  soldier  of  honorable  renown,  and  a  citizen  whose  hearthstone  of  home 
is  an  example  to  all. 

William  McKinley  stands  not  only  beloved  at  home,  but  before  all  the 
nations  of  this  earth  as  one  of  the  greatest  and  best  rulers  that  ever  graced 
the  Presidential  chair  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  November  will 
soon  be  here.  There  will  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  result.  The  ballots  are 
now  counted  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the  American  people,  and  four 
years  more  of  respect  for  law,  respect  for  the  flag  and  hope  and  faith  in  the 
perpetuity  of  American  institutions  and  of  honor  to  the  name  of  William 
McKinley  will  follow  this  nomination.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  JAMES  A.  MOUNT,  OF  INDIANA. 

Mr.  JAMES  A.  MOUNT,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Convention,  the  anxiety  of  the  Convention  to  vote  on  the  nomination  of 
President  McKinley  only  foretells  the  anxiety  of  the  American  people  to 
express  their  desire  for  his  election  at  the  polls. 

I  esteem  it  a  great  honor  to  second  the  nomination  of  a  man  who  has 
ably  discharged  every  responsibility  in  peace  and  war;  one  who  'in  the 
perilous  crisis  of  the  great  civil  conflict  in  this  country, 'though  but  a  mere 
youth,  displayed  the  loyalty  of  a  patriot  and  the  courage 'of  a  hero.  (Ap 
plause.) 

This  man  enlisted  as  a  private  soldier  and  fought  in  'the  front  rank  of 
battle  until  the  Union  was  saved  and  honored  peace  secured.  'He  is  states 
man  as  well  as  patriot,  a  creator  of  statutes  as  well  as  a  defender  of  lib 
erty.  He  became  a  leader  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  He  was 
Chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  the  distinguished 'author 
of  the  tariff  law  which  bore  his  honored  name.  The  anathemas  of  the 
Democratic  party  were  showered  upon  that  law,  and  from  the  same  source 
came  direful  prophecies  that  calamity  would  follow  its  adoption.  On  'the 
contrary,  however,  the  wisdom  of  the  measure  was  speedily  proclaimed 
through  flaming  furnaces  and  forges  which  illuminated  the  night  and  by  new 
industries  and  expanded  markets.  It  made  the  closing  year  of  General 
Harrison's  illustrious  administration  the  climax  of  national  prosperity 
achieved  up  to  that  period. 

The  induction  of  the  Democratic  party  into  power  in  1893  brought  in 
its  train  ruined  markets,  declining  values,  diminishing  '  exports,  idle  men 
and  a  general  shrinkage  of  production.  In  lieu  of  the  promised  better 
times  the  results  were  loss  of  confidence,  distress  and  disaster — a  dismal 
heritage  of  Democratic  incapacity.  Idle  mills,  shops,  foundries  and  fac 
tories  condemned  through  the  eloquence  of  their  silence  the  'party  that 
had  proved  recreant  to  the  trust  reposed  in  it  by  a  misguided  majority. 
The  alluring  promises  made  to  the  farmers  by  Democratic  orators  were 
as  deceptive  as  the  mirage  of  the  desert,  which  lures  to  destruction,  or  as 
the  dead  sea  apple  that  turns  to  ashes  on  the  lips.  (Applause.)  Instead 
of  prosperity,  in  those  four  years  there  was  a  decrease  of '23,000,000  head 


128  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

of  live  stock,  and  a  shrinkage  of  $828,000,000  in  the  value  of  farm  animals, 
together  with  a  decline  of  $720,000.000  in  the  value  of  farm  crops. 

The  change  from  a  debt-paying  to  a  debt-making  policy  reve?.led  the 
utter  inability  of  Democracy  to  meet  and  master  great  economic  and  finan 
cial  problems.  Four  years  ago  this  country  was  filled  with  alarm,  and  fore 
bodings  of  evil  prevailed  everywhere.  The  Democratic  party  offered  as  a 
panacea  for  depression  and  disaster  one  William  Jennings  Bryan  and  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.  The  Republican  party,  true  to  its 
tenets,  was  guided  by  the  same  lofty  patriotism  by  which  it  was  inspired 
when,  in  1860,  it  chose  as  its  leader  that  matchless  genius,  the  immortal 
Lincoln,  the  brave  and  generous-hearted  man  who  piloted  the  nation 
through  the  dark  night  of  bitter  strife  into  the  sunlight  of  tranqiulity.  So, 
also,  in  1896,  it  chose  as  its  standard-bearer  that  brave  soldier,  intrepid  pa 
triot  and  statesman,  Major  William  McKinley. 

In  prophetic  parlance  he  was  designated  as  the  "Advance  Agent  of  Pros 
perity."  He  proclaimed  the  wisdom  of  opening  the  shops,  mills  and  fac 
tories  to  labor  instead  of  opening  our  mints  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coin 
age  of  silver.  (Applause.)  In  full  faith  and  confidence  the  people  turned 
to  him  as  the  magnetic  needle  turns  to  the  po'e.  He 'was  triumphant,  r.nd 
with  the  beginning  of  his  administration  came  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day. 
The  sun  of  prosperity  awoke  the  slumbering  industries.  The  whirr  of 
wheels,  the  hum  of  spindles,  the  clanging  of  hammers,  the  sound  of  reap 
ers  echoed  the  song  of  labor's  rejoicing.  The  magic  wand  of  prosperi;y 
touched  farm  and  factor}'-,  and  brought  smiling  plenty  to  the  home  of  toilers 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land.  (Applause.)  The  finger 
of  progress  that  had  been  turned  backward  on  the  dial  of  time  by  Demo 
cratic  incompetency  and  misrule  once  more  moved  forward  under  the  in 
spiring  guidance  of  President  McKinley.  An  annual  increase  of  $400,000,000 
in  our  export  trade,  with  the  unprecedented  two  billion  dollar  mark  in  for 
eign  commerce 'reached  and  passed,  are  economic  truths — a  part  of  history 
that  commends  with  mightier  force  than  the  tongue  of  eloquence  the  splen 
did  administration  of  this  just  and  far-seeing  statesman.  (Applause.) 
Sound  financial  legislation  has  increased  the  volume  and  established  the 
value  of  our  currency. 

Impelled  by  duty's  call  and  the  pleadings  of  the  oppressed  the  United 
States  engaged  in  war  with  the  cruel  and  arrogant  Kingdom  of  Spain. 
Grandly  our  patriotic  President  met  the  grave  responsibilities  of  the  war, 
and  with  firmness  he  withstood  the  clamor  for  precipitate  haste  that  charac 
terizes  rash  men  who  are  disposed  to  rush  unprepared  and  recklessly  into 
conflict.  With  a  conservatism  born  of  greatness,  with  a  quality  of  sagacity 
that  commands  respect,  and  with  transcendant  ability  that  challenges  ad 
miration  he  met  the  issues  and  carefully  prepared  for  the  clash  of  armor 
that  could  be  no  longer  averted.  In  one  hundred  days  he  organized  and 
equipped  a  volunteer  army  of  250,000  soldiers,  and,  with  only  a  fraction  of 
this  army,  he  defeated  the  land  forces  of  Spain  and  destroyed  her  fleets 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  129 

without  the  loss  to  this  nation  of  a  war  vessel,  and  with  a  loss  of  men  so 
small,  with  results  so  important,  that  a  parallel  cannot  be  found  in  all  the 
annals  of  warfare.  (Applause.)  The  military  and'naval  power  of  the  United 
States  was  thus  exalted  before  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  the  name  of 
William  McKinley  became  honored  and  extolled  by  the  people  of  all  lands. 
(Applause.)  Like  Abraham  Lincoln,  our  President  has  been  made  the 
target  of  abuse  by  men  who  will  yet,  in  the  calmer  moments  of  candor,  ex 
tol  his  fairness,  his  efficiency,  his  fidelity  and  his  greatness. 

Sons  of  illustrious  sires  who  wore  the  Blue  and  the  Gray  have  unitedly 
carried  ''Old  Glory"  to  victory.  They  have  planted  the  ensign  of  liberty, 
the  flag  of  our  Union,  in  the  Antilles  and  in  the  Orient,  there  to  remain  as 
a  covenant  promise  of  better  government  to  the  inhabitants. 

Mighty  problems  unforestalled  have  arisen.  They  have  been  and  are 
now  being  met  in  this  period  of  transition,  this  history-making,  geography- 
changing  epoch  of  the  world.  We  need  a  man,  we  must  have  a  man,  equal 
to  the  grave  responsibilities  that  may  arise.  Platforms  can  not  forecast 
policies  for  unforeseen  emergencies. 

"God  give  us  men.     A  time  like  this  demands 
Strong  minds,   great  hearts,  true  faith  and  ready  hands; 
Tall  men,  sun-crowned,  who  live  above  the  fog 
In  public  duty,  and  in  private  thinking." 

This  Convention  has  named  such  a  man.  (Applause.)  I  therefore  take 
great  pleasure  in  seconding  the  nomination  of  him  who  stands  before  the 
world  clear-headed,  clean-handed,  strong-hearted — a  patriot,  a  statesman 
and  hero,  a  typical  American,  a  Christian  gentleman,  William  McKinley. 
(Applause.) 


130 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 


VOTE  FOR  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — If  there  are  no  more  names  of  candidates 
to  be  presented,  the  clerk  will  call  the  roll  of  States.  Each  State,  Ter 
ritory  and  District  of  Columbia,  as  it  is  called,  will  answer  through  its  chair 
man,  stating  its  vote  for  our  nominee  for  President  of  the  United  States. 
The  Chair  begs  the  Convention  and  audience  to  preserve  quiet  while  this 
most  solemn  act  is  performed.  This  is  putting  in  nomination  a  candidate 
for  President.  The  clerk  will  call  the  roll. 

The  READING  CLERK  called  the  roll,  which  resulted  as  follows: 


Whole  For 

Number  of         William 
Delegates.      McKinley. 


Whole  For 

Number  of         William 
Delegates.       McKinley. 


Alabama 22 

Arkansas    16 

California   18 

Colorado     8 

Connecticut   12 

Delaware    6 

Florida    8 

Georgia     26 

Idaho    6 

Illinois    48 

Indiana     30 

Iowa    26 

Kansas    20 

Kentucky    26 

Louisiana   16 

Maine    12 

Maryland    16 

Massachusetts   30 

Michigan    28 

Minnesota    18 

Mississippi     18 

Missouri    34 

Montana   6 

Nebraska    16 

Nevada  6 

New  Hampshire 8 

New  Jersey 20 


New  York   72 

North  Carolina 22 

North  Dakota 6 

Ohio    46 

Oregon 8 

Pennsylvania   64 

Rhode  Island    8 

South  Carolina   18 

South  Dakota   8 

Tennessee    24 

Texas    30 

Utah 6 

Vermont   8 

Virginia    24 

Washington   8 

West   Virginia 12 

Wisconsin    24 

Wyoming 6 

District  of  Columbia 2 

Alaska 4 

Arizona 6 

Indian   Territory    6 

New  Mexico   6 

Oklahoma    6 

Hawaii    .  2 


Total 


.926 


12 

24 

6 

2 
4 
6 
6 
6 
6 

2 

926 


The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  will  announce  the  result  of  the 
vote.  Total  number  of  votes  cast,  926;  William  McKinley  has  received 
926  votes.  It  is  a  unanimous  vote,  and  the  Chair  declares  that  William  Mc 
Kinley  is  your  nominee  for  the  Presidency  for  the  term  beginning  March  4, 
1901. 

[The  announcement  of  the  result  was  received  with  applause  and  cheer 
ing  which  lasted  several  minutes.] 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  131 

NOMINATION  OF  CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE  PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  nomina 
tion  of  a  candidate  for  Vice  President.  The  clerk  will  call  the  roll  of  States, 
etc.,  for  the  presentation  of  candidates. 

The  READING  CLERK  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  P.  D.  BARKER,  of  Alabama  (when  Alabama  was  called).— Alabama 
yields  to  Iowa. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Colonel  Lafayette 
Young,  of  Iowa. 

NOMINATING  SPEECH  OF  MR.  LAFAYETTE  YOUNG,  OF  IOWA. 

Mr.  LAFAYETTE  YOUNG,  of  Iowa. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  have 
listened  with  profound  interest  to  the  numerous  indictments  pronounced 
against  the  Democratic  party,  and  as  an  impartial  reader  of  history  I  am 
compelled  to  confess  that  the  indictments  are  all  only  too  true.  If  I  am 
to  judge,  however,  by  the  enthusiasm  of  this  hour,  the  Republican  relief 
committee  sent  out  four  years  ago  to  carry  supplies  and  succor  to  the  pros 
trate  industries  of  the  Republic  has  returned  to  make  formal  report  that  the 
duty  has  been  discharged.  (Applause.)  I  can  add  nothing  to  this  indict 
ment  except  to  say  that  that  unfortunate  party,  through  four  years  of  legis 
lative  and  administrative  control,  has  made  it,  up  to  1896,  impossible  for 
an  honest  man  to  get  into  debt  or  to  get  out  of  it. 

But,  my  fellow  citizens,  you  know  my  purpose;  you  know  the  heart  of 
this  Convention.  The  country  never  called  for  patriotic  sons  from  any 
given  family  but  that  more  was  offered  than  there  was  room  for  on  the 
enlistment  roll.  (Applause.)  When  this  Convention  and  this  great  party 
called  for  a  candidate  for  Vice  President  two  voices  responded — one  from 
the  Mississippi  Valley  by  birth;  another  by  loving  affection  and  adoption. 

It  is  my  mission,  representing  that  part  of  the  great  Louisiana  Purchase^ 
to  withdraw  one  of  these  sons  and  to  suggest  that  the  duty  be  placed  upon 
the  other.  I  therefore  withdraw  the  name  of  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver,  of  Iowa 
(applause),  a  man  born  with  the  thrill  of  the  Lincoln  and  Fremont  cam 
paigns  in  his  heart,  and  with  the  power  to  stir  the  hearts  and  consciences 
of  men  as  part  of  his  birthright. 

We  turn  to  this  other  adopted  son  of  the  great  Middle  West;  and  at  this 
moment  I  recall  that  this  is  an  anniversary  with  our  candidate.  Two  years 
ago  to-day  as  many  men  as  there  are  men  and  women  in  this  great  hall 
were  on  board  sixty  transports  lying  off  Santiago  harbor,  in  full  view  of  the 
bay,  with  Moro  Castle  looming  up  on  the  right,  and  another  prominence 
upon  the  left,  with  the  opening  of  the  channel  between.  On  board  those 
transports  were  20,000  soldiers  who  had  gone  away  from  our  shores  to  lib»- 
erate  another  race,  to  fulfill  no  obligation  but  that  of  humanity.  (Ap 
plause.) 

As  camp  followers  there  were  those  who  witnessed  this  great  spectacle 


132  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

of  the  fleet,  and  on  the  ship  Yucatan  was  that  famous  regiment,  the  Rough 
Riders  of  the  West  and  the  Mississippi  Valley.  (Applause.)  In  command 
of  that  regiment  was  that  fearless  young  American  student,  scholar,  plains 
man,  reviewer,  historian,  statesman,  soldier  of  the  Middle  West  by  adop 
tion,  of  New  York  by  birth.  That  fleet,  sailing  around  the  point,  coming 
to  the  place  of  landing,  stood  off  the  harbor  two  years  ago  to-morrow,  and 
the  navy  bombarded  the  shore  to  make  a  place  for  landing.  No  living  man 
who  was  in  that  campaign,  as  an  observer,  as  a  camp  follower,  as  a  soldier, 
can  fail  to  recall,  especially  if  he  closes  his  eyes,  the  awful  scenes  in  that 
campaign  in  June  and  July,  1898. 

The  landing  being  completed,  there  were  those  who  stood  upon  the  shore 
and  saw  those  indomitable  men  land,  landing  in  small  boats  through  waves 
that  dashed  against  the  shore,  landing  without  harbor,  but  land  they  did, 
with  the  accoutrements  and  their  weapons  by  their  sides.  And  those  who 
stood  upon  that  shore  and  saw  those  men  come  on,  thought  they  could 
read  in  their  faces,  "Stranger,  can  you  tell  me  the  nearest  road  to  San 
tiago?"  That  is  the  place  they  were  looking  for.  The  name  of  the  leader 
of  that  campaign,  of  one  of  those  regiments,  is  the  one  I  shall  bring  before 
this  Convention  for  the  office  of  Vice  President  of  the  United  States.  (Ap 
plause.) 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  know  you  have  been  here  a  long  time, 
and  that  you  have  had  politics  in  abundance;  I  know  the  anxiety  to  complete 
the  work  of  this  Convention,  but  I  cannot  forbear  to  say  that  this  occasion 
has  a  higher  significance  than  one  of  politics.  The  campaign  of  this  year 
is  higher  than  politics.  In  fact,  if  patriotism  could  have  its  way  there  would 
be  but  one  political  party  and  but  one  electoral  ticket  in  any  State  of  the 
Union,  because  patriotic  duty  would  enforce  it. 

In  many  respects  the  years  1898  and  1899  have  been  the  great  years  of  the 
Republic.  There  is  not  under  any  sun  or  in  any  clime  any  man  or  govern 
ment  that  dares  to  insult  the  flag  of  the  United  States — not  one.  We  are 
a  greater  and  a  broader  people  on  account  of  these  achievements.  (Ap 
plause.)  They  have  made  Uncle  Sam  a  cosmopolitan  citizen.  No  one 
questions  his  prowess  or  his  bravery.  As  the  result  of  those  campaigns  and 
as  a  result  of  the  American  spirit,  my  fellow  citizens,  the  American  soldier, 
ten  thousand  miles  away  from  home,  with  a  musket  in  his  hands,  says  to 
the  aggressor,  to  those  who  are  in  favor  of  tyranny:  "Halt!  Who  goes 
there?"  And  the  same  spirit  says  to  the  beleaguered  hosts  of  liberty: 
"Hold  the  fort;  I  am  coming."  Thus  says  the  spirit  of  Americanism.  (Ap 
plause.) 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  place  before  you  this  distinguished  leader 
of  Republicanism  in  the  United  States,  this  leader  of  the  aspirations  of  the 
people  whose  hearts  are  right,  this  leader  of  the  aspirations  of  the  young 
men  of  this  country.  Their  hearts  and  consciences  are  with  this  young 
leader  whom  I  name  for  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United  States — Theo 
dore  Roosevelt,  of  New  York.  (Applause.) 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  133 

SPEECH  OF. MR.  M.  J.  MURRAY,  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Mr.  M.  J.  MURRAY,  of  Massachusetts. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 
Massachusetts  commissions  me,  through  her  delegation,  to  speak  to  you 
to-day,  and  she  accompanied  that  request  with  the  injunction  that  I  should 
be  exceedingly  brief  in  what  I  have  to  say.  We  who  come  from  the  Old 
Bay  State  know  and  love  and  appreciate  the  Governor  of  New  York.  (Ap 
plause.)  HP  has  many  times  been  welcomed  within  our  borders,  and  we 
have  for  him  that  high  appreciation  which  Massachusetts  manhood  always 
has  for  a  thoroughgoing,  fighting  Republican.  We  yield  to  him  a  full  meas 
ure  of  devotion  unsurpassed  by  that  of  any  other  delegation  upon  the  floor 
of  the  Convention.  His  life  to  us  is  an  embodiment  of  those  qualities 
which  appeal  everywhere  to  American  manhood,  and  which  are  a  sufficient 
guarantee  of  the  kind  of  public  service  he  will  render  in  this  new  and  high 
position  of  responsibility  to  the  American  people.  (Applause.) 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
which  has  furnished  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  one  of  the  best 
assistants  he  has  enjoyed  in  his  Cabinet,  in  the  government  of  the  na 
tion's  affairs,  mindful  of  the  duty  which  he  expects  us  to  perform  in  this 
Convention,  with  the  heartiest  kind  of  sympathy  and  regard  for  the  voice 
of  this  great  gathering,  on  behalf  of  the  delegation  which  has  complimented 
me  with  the  privilege  I  am  now  to  exercise — aye,  on  behalf  of  all  New  Eng 
land,  whose  towns  and  cities  have  been  responsible  for  some  of  the  charac 
ter  that  has  entered  into  the  Nation's  life — with  all  the  earnestness  at 
my  command,  I  second  the  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  New 
York.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  M.  ASHTON,  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Mr.  JAMES  M.  ASHTON,  of  Washington. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen 
of  the  Convention:  We  come  here  from  the  great,  the  growing  and  the 
mighty  Northwest.  We  come  to  greet  my  worthy  predecessor,  the  great 
States  of  New  England,  in  the  mighty  Northeast.  We  come  from  the  gate 
way  of  the  treasure  land  of  Alaska,  the  land  which  will  make  the  free  coin 
age  of  silver  sink  into  insignificance.  (Applause.) 

The  name  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  known  at  every  fireside  throughout 
the  great  and  magnificent  mountains  and  across  the  broad  plains  of  the 
great  West.  Everywhere  that  name  is  the  symbol  of  American  heroism 
and  American  manhood.  (Applause.)  When  we  came  here  we  had  in  our 
minds  for  this  exalted  position  an  eminent  international  jurist,  an  eminent 
diplomat,  the  Hon.  Bartlett  Tripp,  of  the  great  Northwest.  (Applause.) 
But  he  has  said  from  the  commencement,  if  it  is  possible  to  secure  the 
nomination  of  Governor  Roosevelt  and  his  acceptance,  together  with  that 
grand  character  in  American  history,  the  eminent,  the  illustrious,  the  patri 
otic  statesman  and  soldier,  William  McKinley,  it  would  be  the  greatest 
ticket,  the  grandest  ticket,  and  the  strongest  ticket  which  can  be  placed 
before  the  American  people. 


134  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

Now,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  beneath  the  banner  of  McKinley 
and  Roosevelt  the  West  will  unite  with  the  mighty  East  and  go  before  the 
shrine  of  the  people.  We  have  no  fears.  You  will  find  when  the  ballots  are 
cast  next  November  that  the  West  has  with  the  entire  country  woven  about 
the  waist  of  Columbia  the  girdle  of  political  power  and  political  freedom; 
you  will  find  when  you  count  the  ballots  from  the  States  of  the  setting  sun 
that  they  will  read  ''for  McKinley  and  Roosevelt,"  and  we  will  clasp  that 
girdle  in  Republican  victory.  (Applause.)  I  thank  you. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW,  OF  NEW  YORK. 

(There  were  cries  of  "Depew!"     "Depew!") 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  calls  upon  Senator  Depew. 

Mr.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW,  of  New  York. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 
Permit  me  to  state  to  you  at  the  outset  that  I  am  not  upon  the  programme, 
but  I  will  gladly  perform  the  pleasant  duty  of  announcing  that  New  York 
came  here,  as  did  every  other  delegation,  for  Colonel  Roosevelt  for  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  When  Colonel  Roosevelt  ex 
pressed  to  us  his  wish  not  to  be  considered,  we  respected  it  and  we  proposed 
to  place  in  nomination  by  our  unanimous  vote  our  Lieutenant  Governor, 
Timothy  L.  Woodruff.  (Applause.)  Now  that  the  Colonel  has  responded 
to  the  call  of  the  Convention  and  the  demand  of  the  people,  New  York 
and  Woodruff  withdraw  Mr.  Woodruff  and  put  Roosevelt  in  nomination. 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  nominating  him  two  years  ago  for  Governor  when 
all  the  signs  pointed  to  the  loss  of  New  York  in  the  election,  but  he  charged 
up  and  down  the  old  State  from  Montauk  Point  to  Niagara  Falls,  as  he 
went  up  San  Juan  Hill  against  the  Spaniards  (applause),  and  the  Demo 
crats  fled  before  him  as  the  Spaniards  did  in  Cuba.  (Applause.) 

It  is  a  peculiarity  of  American  life  that  our  men  are  not  born  to  any 
thing,  but  that  they  get  there  afterward.  (Applause.)  McKinley,  a  young 
soldier,  and  coming  out  a  major;  McKinley,  a  Congressman,  and  making 
a  tariff;  McKinley,  a  President,  elected  because  he  represented  the  pro 
tection  of  American  industries,  and  McKinley,  after  four  years'  develop 
ment,  in  peace,  in  war,  in  prosperity  and  in  adversity,  the  greatest  Presi 
dent  save  one  or  two  that  this  country  ever  had,  and  the  greatest  ruler  in 
Christendom  to-day.  (Applause.) 

So  with  Colonel  Roosevelt — we  call  him  "Teddy."  (Applause.)  He 
was  the  child  of  New  York,  of  New  York  city,  the  place  that  you  gentle 
men  from  the  West  think  breeds  coupons,  clubs  and  eternal  damnation  for 
every  one.  (Laughter.)  "Teddy"  was  the  child  of  Fifth  avenue.  He  was 
the  child  of  the  clubs.  He  was  the  child  of  the  exclusiveness  of  Harvard 
College.  He  went  West  and  became  a  cowboy  (applause  and  laughter), 
and  then  he  went  into  the  Navy  Department  and  became  an  Assistant  Sec 
retary.  He  gave  an  order,  and  the  old  chiefs  of  bureau  came  to  him  and 
said:  "Why,  Colonel,  there  is  no  authority  and  no  requisition  to  burn  this 
powder."  "Well,"  said  the  Colonel,  "we  have  to  get  ready  when  war  comes, 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  135 

and  powder  was  manufactured  to  be  burned."  (Applause.)  The  burning 
of  that  powder  sunk  Cervera's  fleet  outside  of  Santiago's  harbor  and  the  fleet 
in  Manila  Bay.  (Aplause.) 

At  Santiago  a  modest  voice  was  heard,  exceedingly  polite,  addressing  a 
militia  regiment  lying  upon  the  ground,  while  the  Spanish  bullets  were  fly 
ing  over  them.  This  voice  said:  "Get  to  one  side,  gentlemen,  please;  one 
side,  gentlemen,  please,  that  my  men  can  get  out."  And  when  this  polite 
man  got  .his  men  out  in  the  open,  where  they  could  face  the  bayonet  and 
face  the  bullet,  there  was  a  transformation,  and  the  transformation  was 
that  the  dude  had  become  a  cowboy,  the  cowboy  had  become  a  soldier,  the 
soldier  had  become  a  hero,  and,  rushing  up  the  hill,  pistol  in  hand  (ap 
plause),  the  polite  man  shouted  to  the  militiamen  lying  down:  "Give  them 
hell,  boys!  Give  them  hell!"  (Applause.) 

Allusion  has  been  made  by  one  of  the  speakers  to  the  fact  that  the  Dem- 
ocatic  Convention  is  to  meet  two  weeks  from  yesterday,  on  the  Fourth  of 
July.  Great  Scott!  The  Fourth  of  July!  (Laughter.)  On  the  Fourth  of 
July  all  the  great  heroes  of  the  Revolution,  all  the  great  heroes  of  the  war 
of  1812,  all  the  great  heroes  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  heroes  of  the 
war  with  Spain  who  are  not  dead  will  be  in  processions  all  over  the  coun 
try — those  mighty  spirits;  but  they  will  not  be  at  the  Democratic  Conven 
tion  at  Kansas.  City.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  H.  HjBiNGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — And  the  heroes  of  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion. 

Mr.  DEPEW,  of  New  York. — And  the  heroes  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion. 
There  is  one  gentleman  who  is  detained  from  there  and  from  the  welcome 
which  they  would  delight  to  give  him,  but  he  is  at  present  engaged  in  run 
ning  a  footrace,  under  the  blazing  sun,  from  the  soldiers  of  the  United 
States.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  George  Washington's  spirit  will  not  be 
there,  but  George  Washington  Aguinaldo,  if  he  could,  would  be  there  as  a 
welcome  delegate.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

I  should  like  to  sit  in  the  gallery  and  hear  the  platform  read;  anti-expan 
sion,  with  Jefferson  coming  out  of  the  clouds  and  saying,  "Who  are  you? 
Didn't  my  expansion  become  fifteen  States  as  glorious  and  as  great  as  any 
represented  in  your  Convention?  And  what  are  you  condemning  me  for?" 
Anti-imperialism!  Because  we  are  putting  down  an  insurrection  in  the 
Philippines!  And  from  the  grave  at  the  Hermitage  comes  the  spirit  of  old 
Andrew  Jackson,  saying:  "Get  out  of  here,  or  by  the  Eternal  I  will  let  you 
know  who  I  am!"  (Laughter  and  applause.)  Anti-acquisition  of  territory? 
And  then  comes  a  procession  of  Democrats  of  the  old  Democratic  party — 
Jefferson,  Monroe,  Polk,  Pierce,  pointing  to  Louisiana,  pointing  to  New 
Mexico,  pointing  to  California,  pointing  to  Oregon,  pointing  to  what  has 
made  our  country  first  and  foremost  among  the  countries  of  the  world. 
(Applause.) 

But  then  will  come  the  great  card  of  the  Convention,  headed  by  the  great 
Bryan  himself,  "Down  with  the  Trusts!"  "Down  with  the  Trusts!"  and 


136  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

when  the  applause  is  over  it  will  be  found  that  the  pitchers  on  the  table 
have  been  broken  by  the  clashing  of  the  ice  within  (laughter),  for  that  ice 
will  be  making  merry  at  five  cents  a  chunk.  (Laughter.) 

I  heard  a  story.  (Laughter.)  This  is  a  brand  new  story.  (Laughter.)  It 
is  of  the  vintage  of  June,  1900.  Most  of  my  stories  are  more  venerable. 
(Laughter.)  There  was  a  lady  with  her  husband  in  Florida  last  winter — he 
a  consumptive  and  she  a  strenuous  and  tumultuous  woman.  (Laughter.) 
Her  one  remark  as  they  sat  on  the  piazza  was:  "Stop  coughing,  John." 
John  had  a  hemorrhage.  The  doctor  said  he  must  stay  in  bed  six  weeks. 
His  tumultuous  wife  said:  "Doctor,  it  is  impossible.  We  are  travelling  on 
a  time  limited  ticket,  and  we  have  several  more  places  to  go."  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  So  she  carried  him  off.  On  arriving  at  the  next  station  the 
poor  man  died,  and  the  sympathetic  hotel  proprietor  said:  "Madam,  what 
shall  we  do?"  She  said:  "Box  him  up.  I  have  a  time  limited  ticket,  and 
several  more  places  to  go."  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

Now,  we  buried  16  to  I  in  1896.  We  put  a  monument  over  it,  weighing 
as  many  'tons  as  the  Sierra  Nevada,  when  "gold"  was  put  into  the  statute 
by  a  Republican  Congress  and  the  signature  of  William  McKinley.  Colonel 
Bryan  has  been  a  body-snatcher.  (Laughter.)  He  has  got  the  corpse  out 
from  under  the  monument,  but  it  is  dead.  He  has  got  it  in  its  coffiin,  car 
rying  it  along,  as  did  the  bereaved  widow,  because,  he  says:  "I  must,  I  must; 
I  am  wedded  to  this  body  of  sin  and  death.  (Laughter.)  I  must,  I  must, 
because  I  have  a  time  ticket  which  expires  in  November."  (Laughter  and 
applause.) 

I  remember  that  when  I  first  used  to  go  abroad — it  is  a  good  thing  for 
a  Yankee  to  go  abroad — I  was  ashamed  because  everywhere  they  would 
say:  "What  is  the  matter  with  the  Declaration  of  Independence  when  you 
have  slavery  in  your  land?"  Well,  we  took  slavery  out,  and  now  no  Ameri 
can  is  ashamed  to  go  abroad.  When  I  went  abroad  later  the  ship  was  full 
of  merchants  going  across  to  buy  iron  and  steel  and  wool  and  cotton  and 
all  kinds  of  goods.  Now  when  an  American  goes  around  the  world,  what 
happens  to  him?  When  he  reaches  the  capital  of  Japan  he  rides  on  an 
electric  railway  made  by  American  mechanics.  When  he  reaches  the  cities 
of  China  he  rides  under  electric  lights  invented  by  Mr.  Edison  and  put  up 
by  American  artisans.  When  he  goes  over  the  great  railway  across  Siberia 
from  China  to  St.  Petersburg,  he  rides  on  American  rails  in  cars  drawn  by 
American  locomotives.  When  he  gets  to  Germany  he  finds  our  iron  and 
steel  climbing  over  a  two  dollar  and  fifty  cent  tariff,  and  thereby  scaring 
the  Kaiser  out  of  his  wits.  (Laughter.)  When  he  reaches  the  great  Ex 
position  at  Paris  he  finds  the  French  winemaker  saying  that  American  wine 
cannot  be  admitted  there  for  the  purpose  of  judgment.  When  he  gets  to 
old  London  he  gets  for  breakfast  California  fruit,  he  gets  for  luncheon,  bis 
cuit  and  bread  made  of  Western  wheat,  and  he  gets  for  dinner  "roast  beef 
of  old  England"  from  the  plains  of  Montana  (laughter);  and  his  feet  rest 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  137 

on  a  carpet  marked  "Axminster,"  but  made  at  Yonkers,  New  York. 
(Laughter.) 

Now,  my  friends,  the  canvass  upon  which  we  are  entering  is  a  canvass 
of  the  future.  The  past  is  only  for  record  and  for  reference,  and,  thank 
God,  we  have  a  reference  and  a  record.  It  is  the  canvass  of  the  future.  Why 
this  war  in  South  Africa?  Why  these  hammerings  at  the  gates  of  Pekin? 
Why  these  marching  of  troops  over  Asia  and  Africa?  Why  this  parading 
of  the  people  and  of  the  empire  of  other  lands?  It  is  because  the  surplus 
products  of  civilized  countries  in  modern  times  are  greater  than  civiliza 
tion  can  consume.  It  is  because  this  overproduction  rolls  back  to  stagnation 
and  poverty. 

The  American  people  now  produce  $2,000,000,000  worth  more  than  we 
can  consume,  and  we  have  met  the  emergency,  by  the  providence  of  God, 
by  the  statesmanship  of  William  McKinley,  and  by  the  valor  of  Roosevelt 
and  his  associates.  (Applause.)  We  have  our  market  in  Cuba,  we  have 
our  market  in  Porto  Rico,  we  have  our  market  in  Hawaii,  we  have  our 
market  in  the  Philippines,  and  we  stand  in  the  presence  of  eight  hundred 
million  people,  with  the  Pacific  as  an  American  lake  and  the  American 
artisan  producing  better  and  cheaper  goods  than  those  of  any  other  country 
in  the  world. 

My  friends,  we  go  to  American  labor  and  to  the  American  farm,  and  say 
that  with  McKinley  for  another  four  years  there  will  be  no  congestion  in 
America.  Let  invention  proceed,  let  production  go  on,  let  the  factories  do 
their  best,  let  labor  be  employed  at  the  highest  wages,  because  the  world  is 
ours,  and  we  have  conquered  it  by  Republican  principles  and  by  Republican 
persistency  in  the  enforcement  of  the  principles  of  American  industry  and 
of  America  for  Americans.  (Applause.) 

Many  of  you  I  met  in  convention  four  years  ago — you  from  New  England 
with  all  its  culture  and  its  coldness  (laughter),  and  you  from  the  Middle 
West,  who,  starting  from  Ohio  and  radiating  in  every  direction,  think  you 
are  all  there  is  of  it  (laughter);  you  from  the  West  who  produced  on  this 
platform  a  product  of  New  England  transplanted  to  the  West  through  New 
York,  who  delivered  the  best  presiding  officer's  speech  in  oratory  and  all 
that  makes  up  a  great  speech  that  has  been  heard  in  many  a  day  in  any  con 
vention  in  this  country.  (Applause.)  It  was  a  glorious  thing  to  see  the 
fervor  of  the  West  and  the  culture  and  polish  of  New  England  giving  us 
an  ammunition  wagon  from  which  the  spellbinder  everywhere  can  draw 
the  powder  to  shoot  down  opposition  East  and  West  and  North  and  South. 
(Applause  and  laughter.) 

Many  of  you,  as  I  say,  I  met  in  convention  four  years  ago.  We  all  feel 
what  little  men  we  were  then  compared  with  what  we  are  to-day.  There 
is  not  a  man  here  who  does  not  feel  four  hundred  per  cent,  bigger  in  1900 
than  he  did  in  1896;  bigger  intellectually,  bigger  hopefully,  bigger  patriot 
ically,  bigger  in  the  grasp  of  the  fact  that  he  is  a  citizen  of  a  country  which 


138 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 


has  become  a  world  power  for  peace,  for  civilization,  and  for  the  expansion 
of  its  industries  and  the  products  of  its  labor.     (Applause.) 

We  have  the  best  ticket  ever  presented.  (Applause.)  We  have  at  the 
head  of  it  a  Western  man  with  Eastern  notions,  and  we  have  at  the  other 
end  an  Eastern  man  with  Western  characteristics  (applause) ;  the  states 
man  and  the  cowboy  (laughter) ;  the  accomplished  man  of  affairs  and  the 
heroic  fighter;  the  man  who  has  proved  great  as  President,  and  the  fighter 
who  has  proved  great  as  Governor.  (Applause.)  We  leave  this  old  town 
simply  to  keep  on  shouting  and  working  to  make  it  unanimous  for  Mc- 
Kinley  and  Roosevelt.  (Applause.) 

VOTE   FOR   CANDIDATE   FOR   VICE   PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — If  there  are  no  other  nominations  to  be 
made  for  candidate  for  Vice  President,  the  Clerk  will  call  the  roll  of  States, 
etc.,  and  the  chairman  of  each  delegation,  as  the  State  or  Territory  is  called, 
will  announce  the  vote  of  the  State  or  Territory  for  candidate  for  Vice 
President.  The  Clerk  will  call  the  roll. 

The  READING  CLERK  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  BENJAMIN  B.  ODELL,  of  New  York  (when  New  York  was  called). — 
New  York  casts  71  votes  for  Theodore  Roosevelt,  one  not  voting. 

The  roll  call  was  concluded,  resulting  as  follows: 


Whole 
Number  of 
Delegates. 

Alabama     22 

Arkansas    16 

California    18 

Colorado     8 

Connecticut   12 

Delaware    6 

Florida    8 

Georgia     26 

Idaho    6 

Illinois    48 

Indiana     30 

Iowa    26 

Kansas    20 

Kentucky    26 

Louisiana   16 

Maine    12 

Maryland    16 

Massachusetts   30 

Michigan    28 

Minnesota    18 

Mississippi     18 

Missouri    34 

Montana   6 

Nebraska    16 

Nevada   6 

New  Hampshire 8 

New  Jersey 20 


For  Whole                 For 

Theodore  Number  of      Theodore 

Roosevelt.  Delegates.      Roosevelt. 

22        New  York   72  71 

16        North  Carolina 22  22 

18        North  Dakota 6  6 

8        Ohio    46  46 

12        Oregon 8  8 

6        Pennsylvania   64  64 

8        Rhode  Island    8  8 

26        South  Carolina 18  18 

6        South  Dakota   8  8 

48        Tennessee    24  24 

30        Texas    30  30 

25  Utah    6  6 

20        Vermont   8  8 

26  Virginia    24  24 

16        Washington   8  8 

12        West  Virginia 12  12 

16        Wisconsin    24  24 

30        Wyoming 6  6 

28        District  of  Columbia 2  2 

18        Alaska 4  4 

18        Arizona 6  6 

34        Indian   Territory    6  6 

6        New  Mexico    6  6 

16        Oklahoma    6  6 

6        Hawaii    2  2 

20  Total 926  925 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  139 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  total  vote  of  the  Convention  is  926. 
Nine  hundred  and  twenty-five  votes  have  been  cast  (one  delegate  not  voting) 
for  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  New  York.  (Applause.)  I  hereby  declare 
him  your  nominee  for  the  Vice-Presidency  for  the  term  beginning  March  4, 
1901.  (Applause.) 

[The  announcement  of  the  result  was  received  with  applause  and  cheering 
which  lasted  several  minutes.] 

PUBLICATION  OF  PROCEEDINGS. 

Mr.  CHARLES  H.  GROSVENOR,  of  Ohio. — I  offer  the  resolutions  which  I 
send  to  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Ohio  offers  resolutions 
which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  is  hereby  directed  to  prepare  and 
publish  a  full  and  complete  report  of  the  official  proceedings  of  this  Convention,  under 
the  direction  of  tke  National  Committee,  co-operating  with  the  local  committee. 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  be  requested  to  republish  the  official 
proceedings  of  preceding  Republican  National  Conventions  now  out  of  print,  under  the 
direction  of  the  National  Committee. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  resolu 
tions  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio. 
The  resolutions  were  agreed  to. 

VACANCIES  ON  NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  COMMITTEE. 

Mr.  THOMAS  H.  CARTER,  of  Montana. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  submit  the  reso 
lution  which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Montana  offers  a  reso 
lution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  National  Republican  Committee  be,  and  it  is  hereby  empowered  to 
fill  all  vacancies  in  its  membership. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEES  TO  NOTIFY  THE  NOMINEES. 
Mr.  CHARLES  DICK/  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  a  resolution. 
The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Ohio  offers  a  resolu 
tion  which  will  be  read. 
The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  Permanent  Chairman  of  this  Convention,  Hon.  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  be  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  to  notify  Hon.  Wil 
liam  McKinley  of  his  nomination  for  President,  and  that  the  Temporary  Chairman, 
Hon.  E.  O.  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  be  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  to  notify  the 
nominee  for  Vice-President  of  his  nomination;  and  that  the  committee  notify  the  candi 
date  for  President  on  July  12. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 


140  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

THANKS  TO  CONVENTION  OFFICERS. 

Mr.  SIDNEY  M.  BIRD,  of  Maine. — I  offer  the  resolution  which  I  send  to 
the  desk. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  J.  B.  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  in  the  chair). — 
The  gentleman  from  Maine  offers  a  resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  are  tendered  to  the  Temporary  Chair 
man,  the  Permanent  Chairman,  the  Secretary  and  his  Assistants,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms 
and  his  Deputies,  the  Clerk  at  the  Chairman's  Desk,  the  Reading  and  Tally  Clerks,  the 
Official  Reporter  and  the  Messengers. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  resolution 
submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  Maine. 
The  resolution  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

THANKS  TO  THE  CITY  OF  PHILADELPHIA. 

Mr.  JOSEPH  H.  MANLEY,  of  Maine. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  the  resolution 
which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Lodge). — The  gentleman  from  Maine 
offers  a  resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  are  hereby  tendered  to  his  Honor, 
Samuel  H.  Ashbridge,  Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  the  members  of  the  Citizens'  Committee 
and  the  citizens  for  the  hospitable  and  perfect  provisions  made  for  the  session  of  the 
convention  and  the  entertainment  of  the  delegates,  alternates  and  visitors. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  has  heard  the  resolution, 
and  the  Chair  is  sure  it  will  join  him  in  extending  much  more  than  formal 
thanks  to  Mayor  Ashbridge,  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  to  the  com 
mittees  which  have  been  so  attentive  to  our  comfort,  and  so  hospitable  to  us. 
The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  resolution  offered  by  the  gentleman 
from  Maine. 

The  resolution  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  141 

COMMITTEE  TO   NOTIFY  HON.  WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 
The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  requests  the  Chairman  of  each 
delegation  to  submit  in  writing  the  name  of  its  member  of  the  committee 
to  notify  Hon.  William  McKinley  of  his  nomination. 

The  committee  as  finally  made  up  is  as  follows: 

Chairman,  HON.  HENRY  CABOT   LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. 

ADDRESS.  STATE. 

P.  D.   BARKER   Mobile   Alabama. 

CHARLES   M.   GREENE    Harrison   Arkansas. 

WILLIAM   M.   GARLAND   Los  Angeles  California. 

DAVID  H.  MOFFAT   Denver    Colorado. 

LINUS  B.  PLIMPTON   Hartford   Connecticut. 

J.  FRANK  ALEE   Dover  Delaware. 

JOSEPH  E.  LEE  Jacksonville    Florida. 

W.  A.    PLEDGER    Athens     Georgia. 

W.   B.    HEYBURN    Wallace   Idaho. 

FRANK  O.  LOWDEN   Chicago   Illinois. 

JOHN  D.  WIDAMAN  Warsaw  Indiana. 

C.  E.   ALLBROOK   Eldora    Iowa. 

E.  T.    FRANKS    Owensboro    Kentucky. 

JULIUS    GODCHAUX    New  Orleans   Louisiana. 

WAIN\VRIGHT  CUSHUSTG  Foxcroft    Maine. 

WILLIAM   F.   AIREY    Baltimore   Maryland. 

FRANKLIN  E.  HUNTRESS  Somerville    Massachusetts. 

FRANK  J.    HECKER    Detroit    Michigan. 

RAY   W.   JONES    Frazee    Minnesota. 

SAM  P.  HURST   Clarksdale    Mississippi. 

JOHN  B.  OWEN   St.   Louis   Missouri. 

DAVID  E.  FOLSOM  White  Sulphur  Springs.  .Montana. 

O.  A.   ABBOTT    Grand  Island  Nebraska. 

ROBERT  L.  FULTON  Reno   Nevada. 

FRED  A.  PALMER  Manchester   New   Hampshire. 

LESLIE  D.  WARD Newark    New  Jersey. 

FRANK  S.  WITHERBEE  Port  Henry  New  York. 

W.  A.   LEMLEY   Winston    North  Carolina. 

FRED    LEUTZ    Hebron    North  Dakota. 

JOS.  G.   BUTLER,  Js Youngstown   Ohio. 

HENRY  E.  ANKENNY   Sterling   Oregon. 

JOSEPH  C.  FLETCHER   Bristol    Rhode  Island. 

E.  H.  DEAS  Darlington     South  Carolina. 

C.  B.    COLLINS    Groton   South   Dakota. 

GEO.   N.  TILLMAN    Nashville    Tennessee. 

J.  G.    LOWDON    Abilene    Texas. 

THOMAS  KEARNS  Park  City  Utah. 

WM.  N.   PLATT   Shoreham     Vermont. 

J.  HAMPTON    HOGE    Roanoke    Virginia. 

LEVI  ANKENY   Walla  Walla  Washington. 

W.  W.    MONROE    Parkersburg    . ., West  Virginia. 

WALTER  ALEXANDER  Wausau   Wisconsin. 

CLARANCE  D.  CLARKE   Evanston    Wyoming. 

W.  D.   GRANT   Wrangel    Alaska. 

JOHN  W.  DORRINGTON   Yuma   Arizona. 

W.  CALVIN    CHASE    Washington    District  of  Columbia. 

MIGUEL  A.   OTERO    Santa  Fe  New  Mexico. 

\\T.  J.  FRENCH   Alva    Oklahoma. 

S.  PARKER    Honolulu    Hawaii. 

P.  L.    SOPER    Vinita  Cherokee  Nation. .  Indian  Territory. 


142  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

COMMITTEE  TO  NOTIFY  HON.  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  requests  the  chairman  of  each 
delegation  to  submit  in  writing  the  name  of  its  member  of  the  committee 
to  notify  the  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt  of  his  nomination. 

The  committee  as  finally  made  up  is  as  follows. 

Chairman,   HON.   EDWARD  O.  WOLCOTT,    of    Colorado.      . 

ADDRESS.  STATE. 

N.   H.   ALEXANDER    Montgomery    Alabama. 

S.  A.  DUKE  Baxter    Arkansas. 

GEORGE  C.    PARDEE    Oakland    California. 

JOHN  B.  THOMPSON   Longmont    Colorado. 

ANDREW  J.  SLOPER  New  Britain   Connecticut. 

ALVIN   D.   CONNOR   Dover     Delaware. 

JOHN   F.    HORR    Jacksonville    Florida. 

E.  N.   CLEMENCE    Columbus  Georgia. 

GEORGE  L.   SHOUP   Boise  City   Idaho. 

J.   H.    ROWELL    Bloomington    Illinois. 

CHARLES  S.   HERNLEY   Indianapolis    Indiana. 

J.  J.    MARSH    Decorah    Iowa. 

J.  T.   BRADLEY   Sedan   Kansas. 

W.  J.    DEBOE    Marion  Kentucky. 

JOHN  W.   COOKE   Lake  Providence  Louisiana. 

ALBERT   PIERCE    Frankfort    Maine. 

J.  T.    BRADFORD    Baltimore   Maryland. 

GEORGE  N.   SWALLOW    Boston   Massachusetts. 

WILLIAM  E.   PARNALL  Calumet    Michigan. 

J.  J.  ECKLUND    Duluth     Minnesota. 

W.  E.  MASK   Winona    Mississippi. 

WALTER  S.   DICKEY  Kansas   City   Missouri. 

DAVID   E.    FOLSOM    White  Sulphur  Sprin-s.  .Montana. 

ALEX    LAVERTY    Ashland     Nebraska. 

PATRICK  L.   FLANIGAN    Reno   Nevada. 

ALBERT  WALLACE    Rochester     New   Hampshire. 

WM.    BARBOUR    Paterson    New  Jersey. 

FRANCIS   V.    GREENE    New  York   City    New   York. 

THOMAS  S.  ROLLINS  Marshall    North  Carolina. 

H.   C.    PLUMLEY    Fargo    North  Dakota. 

GEO.  C.  RAWLINS  Springfield   Ohio. 

THOMAS   McEWAN    Sumpter    Oregon. 

JOHN  H.  MURDOCK   Washington    Pennsylvania. 

LUCIUS    B.    DARLING    Pawtucket    Rhode  Island. 

J.   F.    ENSOR    Columbia    South  Carolina. 

FMIL    BRAUCH    Hurley  South   Dakota. 

T.  S.   ELGIN    Selmer    Tennessee. 

CHARLES   M.    FERGUSON    San  Antonio  Texas. 

C.  E.   LOOSE    Provo    Utah. 

E.  M.   BARTL£TT Brighton  ..  Vermont. 

C.  G.    SMITHERS    Cape  Charles   Virginia. 

LEVI    ANKENY    Walla  Walla  Washington. 

JOHN   D.    RIGG Terra  Alta  West  Virginia. 

JAMES  REYNOLDS   Lake   Geneva   Wisconsin. 

GEORGE   C.    GOBEL    Rock    Springs    Wyoming. 

W.  D.   GRANT   Wrangel    .... Alaska. 

CHARLES  H.   DRAKE   Tucson     Arizona. 

JOHN  E.  TONES   Washington    District  of  Columbia. 

SECUNDINO   ROMERO    ..  ...Las  Vegas   ..  New  Mexico. 

J.  G.    PRTNGEY    Harvey    Oklahoma. 

A.  N.  KEPOIKAI  Honolulu    Hawaii. 

W.   L.    McWILLIAMS    Miami  Quapaw  Agency.  .Indian  Territory. 

FINAL  ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr.  SERENO  E.  PAYNE,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  the 
Convention  do  now  adjourn  sine  die. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  2  o'clock  and  12  minutes  P.  M.)  the 
Chair  declared  the  Convention  adjourned  without  day. 


Official  Notification  of  the  Candidates 


NOTIFICATION   OF  PRESIDENT  McKlNLEY 

At  his  home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  on  the  twelfth  of  July,  1900,  President  Mc- 
Kinley  was  officially  notified  that  he  had  been  a  second  time  selected  by  the 
Republican  National  Convention  as  Presidential  nominee.  Senator  Henry 
Cabot  Lodge  of  Massachusetts  was  spokesman  for  the  notification  commit 
tee,  and  President  McKinley  replied  at  length.  The  speeches  were  con 
sidered  to  a  certain  extent  as  the  basis  upon  which  the  campaign  is  to,*be 
fought  this  year. 

Chairman  Lodge  and  the  members  of  the  notification  committee,  to 
gether  with  Chairman  Hanna  and  members  of  the  National  Committee, 
arrived  on  a  special  train  from  Cleveland  at  n  o'clock. 

There  were  also  on  board  the  train  the  Tippecanoe  Club  of  Canton,  about 
50  members  of  President  McKinley's  old  regiment,  a  number  of  distin 
guished  guests  invited  by  Senator  Hanna,  and  a  band. 

The  Citizens'  Committee  met  the  party  at  the  station  and  escorted  them 
to  the  President's  home.  Flags  fluttered  from  every  window  along  the 
line  of  march.  Grouped  about  the  lawn  at  the  house  were  the  visiting  or 
ganizations. 

A  large  space  in  the  front  yard  was  roped  off  and  filled  with  chairs  for 
the  notification  party  and  distinguished  guests.  Tables  were  also  provided 
for  the  press. 

Five  minutes  after  n  o'clock  the  booming  of  guns  announced  the  arrival 
of  the  Notification  Committee  at  the  station.  The  committee  was  re 
ceived  at  the  McKinley  home  with  cheers. 

Senator  Lodge,  followed  by  Senator  Hanna,  was  in  the  lead  of  the 
notification  party.  Both  entered  the  house  and  had  a  few  minutes'  chat 
with  President  McKinley.  When  they  appeared  a  cheer  went  up  from  the 
crowd. 

Among  those  occupying  seats  on  the  porch  were  Senator  Hanna,  Post 
master-General  Smith,  Cornelius  N.  Bliss,  Henry  C.  Payne,  Judge  Day, 
R.  C.  Kerens,  Representative  Taylor.  With  Mrs.  McKinley  were  Mrs. 
Barber,  Mrs.  Mary  Saxton,  Mrs.  Day  and  Mrs.  Charles  G.  Dawes. 

143 


144  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

SENATOR  LODGE'S  SPEECH. 

Senator  Lodge  immediately  mounted  a  small  standing  block  and  delivered 
his  speech.  He  said: 

Mr.  President:  This  committee,  representing  every  State  in  the  Union 
and  the  organized  Territories  of  the  United  States,  was  duly  appointed 
to  announce  to  you,  formally,  your  nomination  by  the  Republican  National 
Convention,  which  met  in  Philadelphia  on  June  19  last,  as  the  candidate 
of  the  Republican  party  for  President  of  the  United  States  for  the  term 
beginning  March  4,  1901. 

To  be  selected  by  the  Republican  party  as  their  candidate  for  this  great 
office  is  always  one  of  the  highest  honors  which  can  be  given  to  any  man. 
This  nomination,  however,  comes  to  you,  sir,  under  circumstances  which 
give  it  a  higher  significance,  and  make  it  an  even  deeper  expression  of  honor 
and  trust  than  usual.  You  were  nominated  unanimously  at  Philadelphia. 
You  received  the  unforced  vote  of  every  delegate  from  every  State  and 
every  Territory.  The  harmony  of  sentiment  which  appears  on  the  face  of 
the  record  was  but  the  reflection  of  a  deeper  harmony  which  existed  in  the 
hearts  and  minds  of  the  delegates.  Without  factions,  without  dissent, 
with  profound  satisfaction  and  eager  enthusiasm,  you  were  nominated  for 
the  Presidency  by  the  united  voice  of  the  representatives  of  our  great  party, 
in  which  there  is  neither  sign  of  division  nor  shadow  of  turning. 

THE  RECORD  REVIEWED. 

Such  unanimity,  always  remarkable,  is  here  the  more  impressive  because 
it  accompanies  a  second  nomination  to  the  great  office  which  you  have 
held  for  four  years.  It  is  not  the  facile  triumph  of  hope  over  experience, 
but  the  sober  approval  of  conduct  and  character  tested  in  many  trials  and 
tried  by  heavy  and  extraordinary  responsibilities.  With  the  exception  of  the 
period  in  which  Washington  organized  the  nation  and  built  the  state,  and 
of  those  other  awful  years  when  Lincoln  led  his  people  through  the  agony 
of  civil  war  and  saved  from  destruction  the  work  of  Washington,  there  has 
never  been  a  Presidential  term  in  our  history  so  crowded  with  great  events, 
so  filled  with  new  and  momentous  questions,  as  that  which  is  now  draw 
ing  to  its  end. 

True  to  the  declarations  which  were  made  at  St.  Louis  in  1896,  you,  sir, 
united  with  the  Republicans  in  Congress  in  the  revision  of  the  tariff  and 
the  re-establishment  of  the  protective  policy.  You  maintained  our  credit 
and  upheld  the  gold  standard,  leading  the  party  by  your  advice  to  the  pas 
sage  of  the  great  measure  which  is  to-day  the  bulwark  of  both.  You  led 
again  in  the  policy  which  has  made  Hawaii  a  possession  of  the  United 
States.  On  all  these  questions  you  fulfilled  the  hopes  and  justified  the  con 
fidence  of  the  people  who  four  years  ago  put  trusts  in  our  promises.  But 
in  all  these  questions  you  had  as  guides  not  only  your  own  principles,  the 
well-considered  results  of  years  of  training  and  reflection,  but  also  the  plain 
declarations  of  the  National  Convention  which  nominated  you  in  1896. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  145 

Far  different  was  it  when  the  Cuban  question,  which  we  had  also  promised 
to  settle,  brought,  first  war,  and  then  peace,  with  Spain.  Congress  declared 
war,  but  you,  as  commander-in-chief,  had  to  carry  it  on.  You  did  so,  and 
history  records  unbroken  victory  from  the  first  shot  of  the  Nashville  to  the 
day  when  the  protocol  was  signed.  The  peace  you  had  to  make  alone. 
Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines — you  had  to  assume  alone  the  responsi 
bility  of  taking  them  all  from  Spain.  Alone  and  weighted  with  the  terrible 
responsibility  of  the  unchecked  war  powers  of  the  Constitution,  you  were 
obliged  to  govern  these  islands  and  to  repress  rebellion  and  disorder  in  the 
Philippines. 

No  party  creed  defined  the  course  you  were  to  follow.  Courage,  fore 
sight,  comprehension  of  American  interests,  both  now  and  in  the  un 
charted  future,  faith  in  the  American  people  and  in  their  fitness  for  great 
tasks,  were  then  your  only  guides  and  counsellors.  Thus  you  framed  and 
put  in  operation  this  great  new  policy  which  has  made  us  at  once  masters 
of  the  Antilles  and  a  great  Eastern  power,  holding  firmly  our  possessions  on 
both  sides  of  the  Pacific. 

The  new  and  strange  ever  excite  fear,  and  the  courage  and  prescience 
which  accept  them  always  arouse  criticism  and  attack.  Yet  a  great  departure 
and  a  new  policy  were  never  more  quickly  justified  than  those  undertaken 
by  you.  On  the  possession  of  the  Philippines  rests  the  admirable  diplo 
macy  which  warned  all  nations  that  American  trade  was  not  to  be  shut  out 
from  China.  It  is  to  Manila  that  we  owe  the  ability  to  send  troops  and 
ships  in  this  time  of  stress  to  the  defence  of  our  ministers,  our  missionaries, 
our  consuls  and  our  merchants  in  China,  instead  of  being  compelled  to  leave 
our  citizens  to  the  casual  protection  of  other  powers,  as  would  have  been  un 
avoidable  had  we  flung  the  Philippines  away  and  withdrawn  from  the 
Orient. 

Rest  assured,  sir,  that  the  vigorous  measures  which  you  have  thus  been 
enabled  to  take,  and  that  all  further  measures  in  the  same  direction  which 
you  may  take,  for  the  protection  of  American  lives  and  property,  will  re 
ceive  the  hearty  support  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  who  are  now, 
as  always,  determined  that  the  American  citizen  shall  be  protected  at  any 
cost  in  all  his  rights,  everywhere,  and  at  all  times. 

It  is  to  Manila  again,,  to  our  fleet  in  the  bay  and  our  army  on  the  land, 
that  we  shall  owe  the  power,  when  these  scenes  of  blood  in  China  are 
closed,  to  exact  reparation,  to  enforce  stern  justice,  and  to  insist,  in  the 
final  settlement,  upon  an  open  door  to  all  that  vast  market  for  our  fast 
growing  commerce. 

THE  POLICY  STATED. 

Events,  moving  with  terrible  rapidity,  have  been  swift  witnesses  to  the  wis 
dom  of  our  action  in  the  East.    The  Philadelphia  Convention  has  adopted 
your  policy,  both  in  the  Antilles  and  the  Philippines,  and  has  made  it  their 
own  and  that  of  the  Republican  party. 
10 


146  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

Your  election,  sir,  next  November,  assures  to  us  the  continuance  of  that 
policy  abroad  and  in  our  new  possessions.  To  entrust  these  difficult  and 
vital  questions  to  other  hands,  at  once  incompetent  and  hostile,  would  be 
a  disaster  to  us  and  a  still  more  unrelieved  disaster  to  our  posterity.  Your 
election  means  not  only  protection  to  our  industries,  but  the  maintenance 
of  a  sound  currency  and  of  the  gold  standard,  the  very  corner-stones  of  our 
economic  and  financial  welfare.  Should  these  be  shaken,  as  they  would  be 
by  the  success  of  our  opponents,  the  whole  fabric  of  our  business  confidence 
and  prosperity  would  fall  into  ruin.  Your  defeat  would  be  the  signal 
for  the  advance  of  free  trade,  for  the  anarchy  of  a  debased  and  unstable  cur 
rency,  for  business  panic,  depression  and  hard  times,  and  for  the  wreck  of 
our  foreign  policy. 

Your  election  and  the  triumph  of  the  Republican  party — which  we  be 
lieve  to  be  as  sure  as  the  coming  of  the  day — will  make  certain  the  steady 
protection  of  our  industries,  sound  money  and  a  vigrous  and  intelligent 
foreign  policy.  They  will  continue  those  conditions  of  good  government 
and  wise  legislation,  so  essential  to  the  prosperity  and  well  being  which  have 
blessed  our  country  in  such  abundance  during  the  past  four  years. 

Thus  announcing  to  you,  sir,  your  nomination  as  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  the  Presidency,  we  have  the  honor  also  to  submit  to  you  the  decla 
ration  of  principles  made  by  the  National  Convention,  which,  we  trust, 
will  receive  your  approval.  We  can  assure  you  of  the  faithful  and  earnest 
support  of  the  Republican  party  in  every  State,  and  we  beg  you  to  believe 
that  we  discharge,  here  to-day,  with  ieelings  of  the  deepest  personal  grat 
ification,  this  honorable  duty  imposed  upon  us  by  the  convention. 

Senator  Lodge's  remarks  were  frequently  interrupted  with  applause. 

PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   RESPONSE. 

When  Senator  Lodge  had  concluded,  the  President  stepped  forward,  the 
audience  cheered  him  heartily,  and  it  was  some  moments  before  he  could 
continue.  He  spoke  as  follows: 

Senator  Lodge  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Notification  Committee: 

The  message  which  you  bring  to  me  is  one  of  signal  honor.  It  is  also  a 
summons  to  duty.  A  single  nomination  for  the  office  of  President  by  a 
great  party,  which  in  thirty-two  years  out  of  forty  has  been  triumphant  at 
national  elections,  is  a  distinction  which  I  gratefully  cherish.  To  receive 
unanimous  renomination  by  the  same  party  is  an  expression  of  regard  and 
a  pledge  of  continued  confidence  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  make  adequate 
acknowledgment. 

If  anything  exceeds  the  honor  of  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States  it  is  the  responsibility  which  attaches  to  it.  Having  been  invested 
with  both,  I  do  not  under-appraise  either.  Any  one  who  has  borne  the 
anxieties  and  burdens  of  the  Presidential  office,  especially  in  time  of  na 
tional  trial,  cannot  contemplate  assuming  it  a  second  time  without  pro- 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  147 

foundly  realizing  the  severe  reactions  and  the  solemn  obligations  which  it 
imposes,  and  this  feeling  is  accentuated  by  the  momentous  problems  which 
now  press  for  settlement.  If  my  countrymen  shall  confirm  the  action  of 
the  convention  at  our  national  election  in  November,  I  shall,  craving  Divine 
guidance,  undertake  the  exalted  trust,  to  administer  it  for  the  interest  and 
honor  of  the  country  and  the  well-being  of  the  new  peoples  who  have  be 
come  the  objects  of  our  care.  The  declaration  of  principles  adopted  by  the 
convention  has  my  hearty  approval.  At  some  future  date  I  will  consider 
its  subjects  in  detail,  and  will  by  letter  communicate  to  your  chairman  a 
more  formal  acceptance  of  the  nomination. 

On  a  like  occasion  four  years  ago  I  said: 

The  party  that  supplied  by  legislation  the  vast  revenues  for  the  conduct 
of  our  greatest  war;  that  promptly  restored  the  credit  of  the  country  at 
its  close;  that  from  its  abundant  revenues  paid  off  a  large  share  of  the  debt 
incurred  by  this  war,  and  that  resumed  specie  payments  and  placed  our  pa 
per  currency  upon  a  sound  and  enduring  basis,  can  be  safely  trusted  to  pre 
serve  both  our  credit  and  currency  with  honor,  stability  and  inviolability. 
The  American  people  hold  the  financial  honor  of  our  government  as  sacred 
as  our  flag,  and  can  be  relied  upon  to  guard  it  with  the  same  sleepless  vigi 
lance.  They  hold  its  preservation  above  party  fealty,  and  have  often  demon 
strated  that  party  ties  avail  nothing  when  the  spotless  credit  of  our  coun 
try  is  threatened. 

The  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage-earner  and  the  pensioner  must 
continue  forever  equal  in  purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  to  the  dollar 
paid  to  any  government  creditor. 

Our  industrial  supremacy,  our  productive  capacity,  our  business  and  com 
mercial  prosperity,  our  labor  and  its  rewards,  our  national  credit  and  cur 
rency,  our  proud  financial  honor,  and  our  splendid  free  citizenship,  the 
birthright  of  every  American,  are  all  involved  in  the  pending  campaign, 
and  thus  every  home  in  the  land  is  directly  and  intimately  connected  with 
their  proper  settlement. 


TRADE  MUST  BE  WON   BACK. 

Our  domestic  trade  must  be  won  back,  and  our  idle  working  people  em 
ployed  in  gainful  occupations  at  American  wages.  Our  home  market  must 
be  restored  to  its  proud  rank  of  first  in  the  world,  and  our  foreign  trade,  so 
precipitately  cut  off  by  adverse  national  legislation,  reopened  on  fair  and 
equitable  terms  for  our  surplus  agricultural  and  manufacturing  products. 

Public  confidence  must  be  resumed,  and  the  skill,  energy  and  the  capital 
of  our  country  find  ample  employment  at  home.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  must  raise  money  enough  to  meet  both  its  current  expenses 
and  increasing  needs.  Its  revenues  should  be  so  raised  as  to  protect  the 
material  interests  of  our  people  withe  the  lightest  possible  drain  upon  their 


148  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

resources,  and  maintaining  that  high  standard  of  civilization  which  has  dis 
tinguished  our  country  for  more  than  a  century  of  its  existence. 

The  national  credit,  which  has  thus  far  fortunately  resisted  every  assault 
upon  it,  must  and  will  be  upheld  and  strengthened.  If  sufficient  revenues 
are  provided  for  the  support  of  the  government  there  will  be  no  necessity 
for  borrowing  money  and  increasing  the  public  debt. 

WORK  TO    FULFILL   PROMISES. 

Three  and  one-half  years  of  legislation  and  administration  have  been 
concluded  since  these  words  were  spoken.  Have  those  to  whom  was  con 
fided  the  direction  of  the  government  kept  their  pledges?  The  record  is  made 
up.  The  people  are  not  unfamiliar  with  what  has  been  accomplished.  The 
gold  standard  has  been  reaffirmed  and  strengthened.  The  endless  chain 
has  been  broken  and  the  drain  upon  our  gold  reserve  no  longer  frets  us. 
The  credit  of  the  country  has  been  advanced  to  the  highest  place  among  all 
nations.  We  are  refunding  our  bonded  debt  bearing  three  and  four  and  five 
per  cent  interest  at  two  per  cent,  a  lower  rate  than  that  of  any  other  coun 
try,  and  already  more  than  three  hundred  millions  have  been  so  refunded, 
with  a  gain  to  the  government  of  many  millions  of  dollars.  Instead  of  16 
to  i,  for  which  our  opponents  contended  four  years  ago,  legislation  has  been 
enacted,  which,  while  utilizing  all  forms  of  our  money,  secures  one  fixed 
value  for  every  dollar,  and  that  the  best  known  to  the  civilized  world. 

EFFECT  OF  TARIFF  LAW. 

A  tariff  which  protects  American  labor  and  industry  and  provides  ample 
revenues  has  been  written  in  public  law.  We  have  lower  interest  and  higher 
wages;  more  money  and  fewer  mortgages.  The  world's  markets  have  been 
opened  to  American  products,  which  go  now  where  they  have  never  gone 
before.  We  have  passed  from  a  bond-issuing  to  a  bond-paying  nation;  from 
a  nation  of  borrowers  to  a  nation  of  lenders;  from  deficiency  in  revenue  to  a 
surplus;  from  fear  to  confidence;  from  enforced  idleness  to  profitable  em 
ployment.  The  public  faith  has  been  upheld;  public  order  has  been  main 
tained.  We  have  prosperity  at  home  and  prestige  abroad. 

Unfortunately  the  threat  of  1896  has  just  been  renewed  by  the  allied  par 
ties  without  abatement  or  modification.  The  gold  bill  has  been  denounced 
and  its  repeal  demanded.  The  menace  of  16  to  i,  therefore,  still  hangs  over 
us  with  all  its  dire  consequences  to  credit  and  confidence,  to  business  and 
industry.  The  enemies  of  sound  currency  are  rallying  their  scattered  forces. 
The  people  must  once  more  unite  and  overcome  the  advocates  of  repudia 
tion  and  must  not  relax  their  energy  until  the  battle  for  public  honor  and 
honest  money  shall  again  triumph. 

PLEDGES  FULFILLED. 

A  Congress  which  will  sustain,  and,  if  need  be,  strengthen  the  present  law, 
can  prevent  a  financial  catastrophe,  which  every  lover  of  the  republic  is  in 
terested  to  avert. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  149 

Not  satisfied  with  assaulting  the  currency  and  credit  of  the  government, 
our  political  adversaries  condemn  the  tariff  law  enacted  at  the  extra  session 
of  Congress  in  1897,  known  as  the  Dingley  act,  passed  in  obedience  to  the 
will  of  the  people,  expressed  at  the  election  in  the  preceding  November,  a 
law  which  at  once  stimulated  our  industries,  opened  the  idle  factories  and 
mines,  and  gave  to  the  laborer  and  to  the  farmer  fair  returns  for  their  toil 
and  investment.  Shall  we  go  back  to  a  tariff  which  brings  deficiency  in 
our  revenues  and  destruction  to  our  industrial  enterprises? 

Faithful  to  its  pledges  in  these  internal  affairs,  how  has  the  government 
discharged  its  international  duties? 

THE  ANNEXATION   OF   HAWAII. 

Our  platform  of  1896  declared  "the  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  controlled 
by  the  United  States  and  no  foreign  power  should  be  permitted  to  inter 
fere  with  them."  This  purpose  has  been  fully  accomplished  by  annexation, 
and  delegates  from  those  beautiful  islands  have  participated  in  the  conven 
tion  for  which  you  speak  to-day.  In  the  great  conference  of  nations  at 
The  Hague  we  reaffirmed  before  the  world  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  our 
adherence  to  it  and  our  determination  not  to  participate  in  the  complica 
tions  of  Europe.  We  have  happily  ended  the  European  alliance  in  Samoa, 
securing  to  ourselves  one  of  the  most  valuable  harbors  in  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
while  the  open  door  in  China  gives  to  us  fair  and  equal  competition  in  the 
vast  trade  of  the  Orient. 

THE   POSSESSIONS    CEDED    BY   SPAIN. 

Some  things  have  happened  which  were  not  promised,  nor  even  foreseen, 
and  our  purposes  in  relation  to  them  must  not  be  left  in  doubt.  A  just  war 
has  been  waged  for  humanity,  and  with  it  have  come  new  problems  and  re 
sponsibilities.  Spain  has  been  ejected  from  the  Western  Hemisphere,  and 
our  flag  floats  over  her  former  territory.  Cuba  has  been  liberated  and  our 
guarantees  to  her  people  will  be  sacredly  executed.  A  beneficent  govern 
ment  has  been  provided  for  Porto  Rico.  The  Philippines  are  ours  and 
American  authority  must  be  supreme  throughout  the  Archipelago.  There 
will  be  amnesty  broad  and  liberal,  but  no  abatement  of  our  rights,  no  aban 
donment  of  our  duty.  There  must  be  no  scuttle  policy.  We  will  fulfill 
in  the  Philippines  the  obligations  imposed  by  the  triumphs  of  our  arms  and 
by  the  treaty  of  peace,  by  international  law,  by  the  nation's  sense  of  honor, 
and,  more  than  all,  by  the  rights,  interests  and  conditions  of  the  Philippine 
people  themselves. 

No  outside  interference  blocks  the  way  to  peace  and  a  stable  govern 
ment.  The  obstructionists  are  here,  not  elsewhere.  They  may  postpone  but 
they  cannot  defeat  the  realization  of  the  high  purpose  of  this  nation  to  re 
store  order  to  the  islands  and  to  establish  a  just  and  generous  government, 
in  which  the  inhabitants  shall  have  the  largest  participation  for  which  they 
are  capable. 


150  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

The  organized  forces  which  have  been  misled  into  rebellion  have  been  dis 
persed  by  our  faithful  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  the  people  of  the  islands,  de 
livered  from  anarchy,  pillage  and  oppression,  recognize  American  sover 
eignty  as  the  symbol  and  pledge  of  peace,  justice,  law,  righteous  freedom, 
education,  the  security  of  life  and  property,  and  the  welfare  and  prosperity 
of  their  several  communities. 

THE  POWER  OF  CONGRESS. 

We  reassert  the  early  principle  of  the  Republican  party,  sustained  by  un 
broken  judicial  precedents,  that  the  representatives  of  the  people  in  Con 
gress  assembled  have  full  legislative  power  over  territory  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  subject  to  the  fundamental  safeguards  of  liberty,  justice  and 
personal  rights,  and  are  vested  with  ample  authority  to  act  "for  the  highest 
interests  of  our  nation  and  the  people  entrusted  to  its  care."  The  doctrine, 
first  proclaimed  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  will  never  be  used  as  a  weapon  for 
oppression.  I  am  glad  to  be  assured  by  you  that  what  we  have  done  in 
the  far  East  has  the  approval  of  the  country. 

THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 

The  sudden  and  terrible  crisis  in  China  calls  for  the  gravest  consideration, 
and  you  will  not  expect  from  me  now  any  further  expression  than  to  say 
that  my  best  efforts  shall  be  given  to  the  immediate  purpose  of  protecting 
the  lives  of  our  citizens  who  are  in  peril,  with  the  ultimate  object  of  the 
peace  and  welfare  of  China,  the  safeguarding  of  all  our  treaty  rights  and 
the  maintenaace  of  those  principles  of  impartial  intercourse  to  which  the 
civilized  world  is  pledged. 

GROWTH  OF  NATIONAL  SENTIMENT. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  congratulating  my  countrymen  upon  the 
strong  national  sentiment  which  finds  expression  in  every  part  of  our  com 
mon  country  and  the  increased  respect  with  which  the  American  name  is 
greeted  throughout  the  world.  We  have  been  moving  in  untried  paths,  but 
our  steps  have  been  guided  by  honor  and  duty.  There  will  be  no  turning 
aside,  no  wavering,  no  retreat.  No  blow  has  been  struck  except  for  liberty 
and  humanity,  and  none  will  be.  Wre  will  perform  without  fear  every  na 
tional  and  international  obligation. 

The  Republican  party  was  dedicated  to  freedom  forty-four  years  ago.  It 
has  been  the  party  of  liberty  and  emancipation  from  that  hour;  not  of  pro 
fession,  but  of  performance.  It  broke  the  shackles  of  4,000,000  slaves,  and 
made  them  free,  and  to  the  party  of  Lincoln  has  come  another  supreme 
opportunity  which  it  has  bravely  met  in  the  liberation  of  10,000,000  of  the 
human  family  from  the  yoke  of  imperialism. 

In  its  solution  of  great  problems,  in  its  performance  of  high  duties,  it 
has  had  the  support  of  members  of  all  parties  in  the  past,  and  confidently 
invokes  their  co-operation  in  the  future. 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  151 

Permit  me  to  express,  Mr.  Chairman,  my  most  sincere  appreciation  of 
the  complimentary  terms  in  which  you  convey  the  official  notice  of  my  nom 
ination,  and  my  thanks  to  the  members  of  the  committee  and  to  the  great 
constituency  which  they  represent  for  this  additional  evidence  of  their  favor 
and  support. 

While  the  speech  of  the  President  closed  the  formal  notification,  there 
had  not  been  oratory  enough  for  the  gathering,  and  other  speakers  were 
called  for. 

Senator  Hanna,  of  Ohio;  Senator  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana;  Charles  Emory 
Smith,  Postmaster-General;  Colonel  Samuel  Parker,  of  Hawaii,  and  others, 
were  also  heard. 


NOTIFICATION  OF  HON.  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

Governor  Roosevelt  was  officially  notified  July  12,  1900,  of  his  nomination 
for  the  Vice-Presidency,  at  his  country  home.  Sagamore,  near  Oyster  Bay. 
The  notification  committee  appointed  by  the  Republican  Convention  at 
Philadelphia  left  New  York  on  a  special  train  at  10:30  o'clock,  and  made  a 
quick  run  to  Oyster  Bay,  where  carriages  were  in  waiting  to  convey  them  to 
Sagamore.  A  number  of  invited  guests  accompanied  the  party,  most  of 
them  prominent  New  Yorkers.  Members  of  the  notification  committee 
present  were:  Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  the  Chairman;  J.  B.  Thompson, 
Colorado;  A.  J.  Soper,  Connecticut;  Alvin  D.  Connor,  Delaware;  C.  S. 
Hernley,  Indiana;  J.  J.  Marsh,  Iowa;  J.  T.  Bradley,  Kansas;  Albert  Pierce, 
Maine;  Alexander  Laverty,  Nebraska;  Albert  Wallace,  New  Hampshire;  F. 
V.  Greene,  New  York;  T.  S.  Rollins,  North  Carolina;  G.  C.  Rawlins,  Ohio; 
J.  H.  Murdock,  Pennsylvania;  L.  B.  Darling,  Rhode  Island;  Emil  Brauch, 
South  Dakota;  G.  G.  Smithers,  Virginia;  James  Reynolds,  Wisconsin;  John 
E.  Jones,  District  of  Columbia;  W.  L.  Me  Williams,  Indian  Territory;  John 
G.  Long,  Florida;  O.  C.  Strong,  Oklahoma. 

Among  the  invited  guests  who  accompanied  the  committee  were  William 
Barnes,  Jr.;  Douglas  Robinson,  F.  W.  Holls,  Col.  John  H.  Partridge,  Con 
gressman  W.  A.  Wadsworth,  and  State  Senator  T.  E.  Ellsworth. 

There  was  a  miscellaneous  collection  of  vehicles  drawn  up  at  the  station 
when  the  special  train  drew  in,  ranging  from  single-seated  buggies  to  big 
carryalls.  The  committeemen  and  guests  had  a  good-natured  scramble  for 
seats,  and  the  long  line  of  turnouts  started  in  a  brisk  trot  over  the  three 
miles  of  dusty  roads  to  Sagamore. 

It  was  noon  when  the  party  arrived  at  its  destination.  Governor  Roose 
velt  received  them  on  the  wide  vine-covered  porch  of  Sagamore.  Standing 
on  the  lower  step,  under  the  porte  cochere,  he  grasped  the  hand  of  each 
gentleman  as  he  alighted  and  then,  turning,  presented  each  to  Mrs.  Roose 
velt,  who  stood  on  the  veranda  behind  him.  As  the  straggling  procession 
was  rather  slow  in  arriving,  the  early  arrivals  dispersed  about  the  breezy 
verandas  and  grounds  and  chatted  informally  before  the  formal  ceremony  of 
notification  occurred. 

SENATOR  WOLCOTT'S  SPEECH. 

Shortly  after  twelve  o'clock  Senator  Wolcott  called  the  committee  to  the 
porch.  There  in  the  cool  shade  of  the  awnings  and  vines  he  read  the  formal 
notification  in  his  clear  and  resonant,  voice.  He  said: 

152 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  153 

"Governor  Roosevelt:  The  pleasant  duty  has  devolved  upon  this  com 
mittee,  appointed  by  the  National  Republican  Convention,  and  representing 
every  State  in  the  Union,  to  make  known  to  you  officially  the  action  of  the 
convention  and  to  hand  you  a  copy  of  the  platform  as  adopted,  which  em 
bodies  the  principles  of  the  party. 

"The  representatives  of  the  Republican  party,  in  convention  assembled, 
unanimously  and  spontaneously  selected  you  as  the  candidate  of  the  party 
at  the  next  election  for  the  high  and  dignified  office  of  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  You  were  so  selected  and  named  through  no  wish  of  your 
own,  but  because  the  convention  believed  that  you,  among  all  the  Republi 
cans  in  the  land,  were  best  fitted  and  adapted  to  be  the  associate  of  our 
President,  in  the  important  and  stirring  campaign  upon  which  we  are  enter 
ing.  The  convention  realized  that  you  were  needed  in  the  great  Empire 
State,  whose  executive  you  now  are,  and  whose  people  would  delight  still 
further  to  honor  you,  but  it  believed  that  your  path  of  duty  lay  for  the 
future  in  the  field  of  national  usefulness. 

"You  are  still  a  young  man,  as  years  are  counted;  but  the  country  knows 
more  of  you  than  of  most  of  its  citizens.  You  were  identified,  and  will  ever 
be  associated  with  those  efforts  toward  reform  in  the  civil  service  which 
command  the  approval  of  intelligent  men  of  all  political  parties.  Your 
stirring  love  of  adventure  has  made  you  a  more  familiar  figure  in  Western 
camps  and  on  Western  plains  than  on  the  avenues  of  your  native  city.  Your 
sterling  Americanism  has  led  you  to  the  mastery  of  our  earlier  history,  and 
you  have  told  us  of  the  winning  of  the  West  with  a  charm  and  a  spirit  that 
have  made  us  all  better  lovers  of  our  country;  while  your  tales  of  Western 
hunting  and  adventure  have  filled  the  breast  of  every  lad  in  the  land  with 
envy  and  emulation,  and  whatever  doubts  may  have  existed  in  the  past,  now 
that  you  are  our  candidate,  they  will  be  believed  to  be  true  by  every  good 
Republican.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

"There  is  no  man  whose  privilege  it  was  to  know  you  and  to  associate  with 
you  while  you  were  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  President 
McKinley's  appointment,  who  is  not  eager  to  testify  to  the  great  ability  and 
fidelity  which  characterized  your  incumbency  of  that  office.  Of  your  services 
to  our  country  during  the  late  war  with  Spain,  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to 
speak. 

"Your  name  will  ever  be  identified  with  the  heroic  achievements  of  our 
army,  and  your  warmest  friends  and  most  devoted  admirers  are  the  gallant 
band  of  Rough  Riders  whom  you  led  to  victory. 

"This  bright  and  glorious  record,  however,  did  not  lead  that  great  con 
vention  at  Philadelphia  to  insist  upon  you  as  its  candidate,  although  it  fills 
with  pride  the  heart  of  every  true  American.  The  Republican  party  has 
chosen  you  because,  from  your  earliest  manhood  until  to-day,  in  whatever 
post  you  have  been  called  upon  to  fill,  and  notably  during  your  two  years 
of  splendid  service  as  chief  executive  of  the  State  of  New  York,  you  have 
everywhere  and  at  all  times  stood  for  that  which  was  clean  and  uplifting, 


154  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

and  against  everything  that  was  sordid  and  base.  You  have  shown  the 
people  of  this  country  that  a  political  career  and  good  citizenship  could  go 
hand  in  hand,  and  that  devotion  to  the  public  welfare  was  consistent  with 
party  membership  and  party  organization.  There  is  not  a  young  man  in 
these  United  States  who  has  not  found  in  your  life  an  influence,  an  incentive 
to  better  things  and  higher  ideals. 

"With  President  McKinley  you  will  lead  our  ticket  to  victory,  for  you  have 
both  been  tested,  and  in  your  honor,  your  patriotism  and  your  civic  virtues 
the  American  people  have  pride  and  confidence." 

Senator  Wolcott's  address  was  frequently  applauded,  his  reference  to 
Governor  Roosevelt's  hunting  stories  evoking  a  hearty  laugh.  When  he 
stepped  forward  he  stood  in  a  clear  space  on  the  crowded  porch,  facing  the 
doorway  of  a  reception  room,  in  front  of  which  the  Governor  stood  in  erect 
military  attitude. 

To  fhe  left  were  a  number  of  ladies  and  other  guests  of  the  house,  while 
Mrs.  Roosevelt  stood  among  them,  the  three  children  of  the  Governor  look 
ing  on  with  wide-eyed  interest. 

GOVERNOR  ROOSEVELT'S  ACCEPTANCE. 

When  Senator  Wolcott  concluded,  Governor  Roosevelt  stepped  a  pace 
forward  and  replied.  His  voice  was  clear  and  firm,  and  as  he  proceeded 
there  were  several  interruptions  of  applause.  He  said: 

"Mr.  Chairman:  I  accept  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  with  the  keenest 
and  deepest  appreciation  of  what  it  means,  and,  above  all,  of  the  responsi 
bility  that  goes  with  it.  Everything  that  is  in  my  power  to  do  will  be  done 
to  secure  the  re-election  of  President  McKinley,  to  whom  it  has  been  given 
in  this  crisis  of  the  national  history  to  stand  for  and  embody  the  principles 
which  lie  closest  to  the  heart  of  every  American  worthy  of  the  name. 

"This  is  very  much  more  than  a  mere  party  contest.  We  stand  at  the 
parting  of  the  ways,  and  the  people  have  now  to  decide  whether  they  shall 
go  forward  along  the  path  of  prosperity  and  high  honor  abroad,  or  whether 
they  will  turn  their  backs  upon  what  has  been  done  during  the  past  three 
years;  whether  they  will  plunge  this  country  into  an  abyss  of  misery  and 
disaster,  or,  what  is  worse  than  even  misery  and  disaster — shame.  I  feel  that 
we  have  a  right  to  appeal  not  merely  to  Republicans,  but  to  all  good  citizens, 
no  matter  what  may  have  been  their  party  affiliations  in  the  past,  and  to  ask 
them,  on  the  strength  of  the  record  that  President  McKinley  has  made  dur 
ing  the  past  three  years  and  on  the  strength  of  the  threat  implied  in  what 
was  done  in  Kansas  City  a  few  days  ago,  to  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  with 
us,  perpetuating  the  conditions  under  which  we  have  reached  a  degree  of 
prosperity  never  before  attained  in  the  nation's  history  and  under  which 
abroad  we  have  put  the  American  flag  on  a  level  where  it  never  before  in  the 
history  of  the  country  has  been  placed.  For  these  reasons  I  feel  we  have 
a  right  to  look  forward  with  confident  expectation  to  what  the  verdict  of 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  155 

the  people  will  be  next  November,  and  to  ask  all  men  to  whom  the  well- 
being  of  the  country  and  the  honor  of  the  national  name  are  dear  to  stand 
with  us  as  we  fight  for  prosperity  at  home  and  the  honor  of  the  flag  abroad/' 

AN  INFORMAL  POSTCRIPT. 

A  round  of  applause  broke  out  as  the  Governor  concluded;  but  he  checked 
it  instantly  by  saying: 

"Gentlemen,  one  moment,  please.  Here,  Ned,"  he  cried  to  Senator  Wol- 
cott.  "this  is  not  for  the  National  Committee,  but  I  want  to  say  this  to  my 
friends.  Friends  of  my  own  State  who  are  here,  just  let  me  say  I  appreciate 
seeing  so  many  of  you  here  to-day.  I  want  to  say  I  am  more  than  honored 
and  pleased  at  having  been  made  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  on  the  na 
tional  ticket;  but  you  cannot  imagine  how  badly  I  feel  at  leaving  the  men 
with  whom  I  have  endeavored  and  worked  for  civic  decency  and  righteous 
ness  and  honesty  in  New  York." 

This  little  postscript  to  his  formal  speech  was  heartily  applauded,  and  the 
Governor  remarked: 

"I  shall  ask  you,  gentlemen,  to  step  this  way,  as  some  misguided  photo 
graphers  wish  to  take  our  photographs." 

The  crowd  followed  him  to  the  east  veranda,  where  the  photographs  were 
taken. 

Refreshments  were  then  served  on  the  porches  and  in  the  dining  room, 
and  a  half  hour  of  general  conversation  followed. 

At  1:15  P.  M.  the  party  left  and  started  on  the  return  drive  to  Oyster  Bay, 
where  the  special  train  awaited  them. 

On  reaching  the  railway  station  the  following  telegram  was  sent  to  Presi 
dent  McKinley: 

'The  committee  appointed  to  notify  Governor  Roosevelt  of  his  nomina 
tion  to  the  Vice-Presidency  have  fulfilled  that  pleasant  duty  and  join  in  this 
message  of  congratulation  and  good-will. 

[Signed]  "EDWARD  O.  WOLCOTT." 


THE   LETTERS  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  LETTER. 

SOUND  MONEY  THE  IMMEDIATE  ISSUE— REVIEW  OF  FINAN 
CIAL  AND  INDUSTRIAL  CONDITIONS— THE  MERCHANT 
MARINE  AND  DEVELOPMENT  OF  CARRYING  TRADE— THE 
ISTHMIAN  CANAL— SUGGESTIONS  RESPECTING  TRUSTS— 
THE  CIVIL  SERVICE— OUR  PLEDGES  TO  CUBA— THE  PARIS 
TREATY— OUR  TITLE,  AND  OUR  DUTY  TO  MAINTAIN  OUR 
SOVEREIGNTY  AND  FLAG— THE  PHILIPPINE  SITUATION 
OUTLINED  AND  OUR  POSITION  PLAINLY  STATED. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  Sept.  8,  1900. 
Hon.   Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Chairman  Notification  Committee: 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — The  nomination  of  the  Republican  National  Convention, 
of  June  19,  1900,  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  which,  as 
the  official  representative  of  the  Convention,  you  have  conveyed  to  me,  is 
accepted.  I  have  carefully  examined  the  platform  adopted,  and  give  to  it 
my  hearty  approval.  Upon  the  great  issue  of  the  last  national  election  it 
is  clear.  It  upholds  the  gold  standard  and  indorses  the  legislation  of  the 
present  Congress  by  which  that  standard  has  been  effectively  strengthened. 
The  stability  of  our  national  currency  is  therefore  secure  so  long  as  those 
who  adhere  to  this  platform  are  kept  in  control  of  the  government.  In  the 
first  battle,  that  of  1896,  the  friends  of  the  gold  standard  and  of  sound  cur 
rency  were  triumphant  and  the  country  is  enjoying  the  fruits  of  that  victory. 
Our  antagonists,  however,  are  not  satisfied.  They  compel  us  to  a  second 
battle  upon  the  same  lines  on  which  the  first  was  fought  and  won.  While 
regretting  the  reopening  of  this  question,  which  can  only  disturb  the  present 
satisfactory  financial  condition  of  the  government  and  visit  uncertainty 
upon  our  great  business  enterprises,  we  accept  the  issue  and  again  invite 
the  sound  money  forces  to  join  in  winning  another  and,  we  hope,  a  per 
manent  triumph  for  an  honest  financial  system,  which  will  continue  in 
violable  the  public  faith. 

As  in  1896,  the  three  silver  parties,  are  united  under  the  same  leader  who 
immediately  after  the  election  of  that  year,  in  an  address  to  the  bimetallists,. 
said: 

156 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  157 

'The  friends  of  bimetallism  have  not  been  vanquished;  they  have  simply 
been  overcome.  They  believe  that  the  gold  standard  is  a  conspiracy  of  the 
money-changers  against  the  welfare  of  the  human  race,  and  they  will  con- 
tfnue  the  warfare  against  it." 

The  policy  thus  proclaimed  has  been  accepted  and  confirmed  by  these 
parties.  The  Silver  Democratic  platform  of  1900  continues  the  warfare 
against  the  so-called  gold  conspiracy  when  it  expressly  says,  "we  reiterate 
the  demand  of  that  (the  Chicago)  platform  of  1896  for  an  American  financial 
system  made  by  the  American  people  for  themselves,  which  shall  restore 
and  maintain  a  bimetallic  price  level,  and  as  part  of  such  system  the  im 
mediate  restoration  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at 
the  present  ratio  of  16  to  I,  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any 
other  nation." 

So  the  issue  is  presented.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  demand  is  for  the 
immediate  restoration  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  16  to  I.  If  another 
issue  is  paramount,  this  is  immediate.  It  will  admit  of  no  delay  and  will 
suffer  no  postponement. 

/  Turning  to  the  other  associated  parties,  we  find  in  the  Populist  national 
platform,  adopted  at  Sioux  Falls,  S.  D.,  May  10,  1900,  the  following 
declaration: 

^  "We  pledge  anew  the  People's  Party  never  to  cease  the  agitation  until 
this  financial  conspiracy  is  blotted  from  the  statute  book,  the  Lincoln  green 
back  restored,  the  bonds  all  paid  and  all  corporation  money  forever  retired. 
We  reaffirm  the  demand  for  the  reopening  of  the  mints  of  the  United 
States  for  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold  at  the  present 
legal  ratio  of  16  to  I,  the  immediate  increase  in  the  volume  of  silver  coins 
and  certificates  thus  created  to  be  substituted,  dollar  for  dollar,  for  the  bank 
notes  issued  by  private  corporations  under  special  privilege,  granted  by 
law  of  March  14,  1900,  and  prior  national  banking  laws." 

^  The  platform  of  the  Silver  party  adopted  at  Kansas  City  July  6,  1900, 
makes  the  following  announcement: 

"We  declare  it  to  be  our  intention  to  lend  our  efforts  to  the  repeal  of  this 
currency  law,  which  not  only  repudiates  the  ancient  and  time-honored  prin 
ciples  of  the  American  people  before  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  but  is 
violative  of  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  itself;  and  we  shall  not  cease 
our  efforts  until  there  has  been  established  in  its  place  a  monetary  system 
based  upon  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold  into  money 
at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  I  by  the  independent  action  of  the  United 
States,  under  which  system  all  paper  money  shall  be  issued  by  the  govern 
ment  and  all  such  money  coined  or  issued  shall  be  a  full  legal  tender  in  pay 
ment  of  all  debts,  public  and  private,  without  exception." 

In  all  three  platforms  these  parties  announce  that  their  efforts  shall  be 
unceasing  until  the  gold  act  shall  be  blotted  from  the  statute  books  and 
the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  16  to  I  shall  take  its  place. 

The  relative  importance  of  the  issues  I  do  not  stop  to  discuss.     All  of 


158  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

them  are  important.  Whichever  party  is  successful  will  be  bound  in  con 
science  to  carry  into  administration  and  legislation  its  several  declarations 
and  doctrines.  One  declaration  will  be  as  obligatory  as  another,  but  all 
are  not  immediate.  It  is  not  possible  that  these  parties  would  treat  the  doc 
trine  of  16  to  i,  the  immediate  realization  of  which  is  demanded  by  their 
several  platforms,  as  void  and  inoperative  in  the  event  that  they  should  be 
clothed  with  power.  Otherwise  their  profession  of  faith  is  insincere.  It  is, 
therefore,  the  imperative  business  of  those  opposed  to  this  financial  heresy 
to  prevent  the  triumph  of  the  parties  whose  union  is  only  assured  by  ad 
herence  to  the  silver  issue.  Will  the  American  people,  through  indifference 
or  fancied  security,  hazard  the  overthrow  of  the  wise  financial  legislation 
of  the  past  year  and  revive  the  danger  of  the  silver  standard,  with  all  of  the 
inevitable  evils  of  shattered  confidence  and  general  disaster  which  justly 
alarmed  and  aroused  them  in  1896? 

The  Chicago  platform  of  1896  is  reaffirmed  in  its  entirety  by  the  Kansas 
City  Convention.  Nothing  has  been  omitted  or  recalled;  so  that  all  the 
perils  then  threatened  are  presented  anew  with  the  added  force  of  a  delib 
erate  reaffirmation.  Four  years  ago  the  people  refused  to  place  the  seal  of 
their  approval  upon  these  dangerous  and  revolutionary  policies,  and  this 
year  they  will  not  fail  to  record  again  their  earnest  dissent, 
v  The  Republican  party  remains  faithful  to  its  principles  of  a  tariff  which 
supplies  sufficient  revenues  for  the  government  and  adequate  protection  to 
our  enterprises  and  producers;  and  of  reciprocity  which  opens  foreign 
markets  to  the  fruits  of  American  labor,  and  furnishes  new  channels  through 
which, to  market  the  surplus  of  American  farms.  The  time-honored  prin 
ciples  of  protection  and  reciprocity  were  the  first  pledges  of  Republican 
victory  to  be  written  into  public  law. 

The  present  Congress  has  given  to  Alaska  a  territorial  government  for 
which  it  had  waited  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century;  has  established  a  rep 
resentative  government  in  Hawaii;  has  enacted  bills  for  the  most  liberal 
treatment  of  the  pensioners  and  their  widows;  has  revived  the  free  home 
stead  policy.  In  its  great  financial  law  it  provided  for  the  establishment 
of  banks  of  issue  with  a  capital  of  $25,000  for  the  benefit  of  villages  and 
rural  communities,  and  bringing  the  opportunity  for  profitable  business  in 
banking  within  the  reach  of  moderate  capital.  Many  are  already  availing 
themselves  of  this  privilege. 

During  the  past  year  more  than  nineteen  millions  of  United  States  bonds 
have  been  paid  from  the  surplus  revenues  of  the  Treasury  and  in  addition 
twenty-five  millions  of  two  per  cents  matured,  called  by  the  government,  are 
in  process  of  payment.  Pacific  Railroad  bonds  issued  by  the  government  in 
aid  of  the  roads  in  the  sum  of  nearly  forty-four  million  dollars  have  been  paid 
since  December  31,  1897.  The  Treasury  balance  is  in  satisfactory  condition, 
showing  on  September  i,  $135,419,000,  in  addition  to  the  $150,000,000  gold 
reserve  held  in  the  Treasury.  The  government's  relations  with  the  Pacific 
railroads  have  been  substantially  closed,  $124,421,000  being  received  from 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  159 

these  roads,  the  greater  part  in  cash  and  the  remainder  with  ample  securities 
for  payments  deferred. 

Instead  of  diminishing,  as  was  predicted  four  years  ago,  the  volume  of 
our  currency  is  greater,  per  capita,  than  it  has  ever  been.  It  was  $21.10  in 
1896.  It  had  increased  to  $26.50  on  July  I,  1900,  and  $26.85  on  September  I, 
1900.  Our  total  money  on  July  I,  1896,  was  $1,506,434,966;  on  July  I,  1900, 
it  was  $2,062,425,496,  and  $2,096,683,042  on  September  i,  1900. 

Our  industrial  and  agricultural  conditions  are  more  promising  than  they 
have  been  for  many  years;  probably  more  so  than  they  have  ever  been. 
Prosperity  abounds  everywhere  throughout  the  republic.  I  rejoice  that  the 
Southern,  as  well  as  the  Northern,  States  are  enjoying  a  full  share  of  these 
improved  national  conditions,  and  that  all  are  contributing  so  largely  to  our 
remarkable  industrial  development.  The  money  lender  receives  lower  re 
wards  for  his  capital  than  if  it  were  invested  in  active  business.  The  rates  of 
interest  are  lower  than  they  have  ever  been  in  this  country,  while  those 
things  which  are  produced  on  the  farm  and  in  the  workshop,  and  the  labor 
producing  them,  have  advanced  in  value. 

Our  foreign  trade  shows  a  satisfactory  and  increasing  growth.  The 
amount  of  our  exports  for  the  year  1900  over  those  of  the  exceptionally 
prosperous  year  of  1899  was  about  $500,000  for  every  day  of  the  year,  and 
these  sums  have  gone  into  the  homes  and  enterprises  of  the  people.  There 
has  been  an  increase  of  over  $50,000,000  in  the  exports  of  agricultural  pro 
ducts;  $92,692,220  in  manufactures,  and  in  the  products  of  the  mines  over 
$10,000,000.  Our  trade  balances  cannot  fail  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  people 
of  the  country.  In  1898  we  sold  abroad  $615,432,676  of  products  more 
than  we  bought  abroad;  in  1899  $529,874,813,  and  in  1900  $544,471,701, 
making  during  the  three  years  a  total  balance  in  our  favor  of  $1,689,779,190 — 
nearly  five  times  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor  for  the  whole  period  of 
108  years  from  1790  to  June  30,  1897,  inclusive. 

Four  hundred  and  thirty-six  million  dollars  of  gold  have  been  added  to 
the  gold  stock  of  the  United  States  since  July  i,  1896.  The  law  of  March 
14,  1900,  authorized  the  refunding  into  2  per  cent,  bonds  of  that  part  of  the 
public  debt  represented  by  the  3  per  cents  due  in  1908,  the  4  per  cents  due  in 
1907,  and  the  5  per  cents  due  in  1904,  aggregating  $840,000,000.  More  than 
one-third  of  the  sum  of  these  bonds  was  refunded  in  the  first  three  months 
after  the  passage  of  the  act,  and  on  September  i  the  sum  had  been  increased 
more  than  $33,000,000,  making  in  all  $330,578,050,  resulting  in  a  net  saving 
of  over  $8,379,520.  The  ordinary  receipts  of  the  government  for  the  fiscal 
year  1900  were  $79,527,060  in  excess  of  its  expenditures. 

While  our  receipts,  both  from  customs  and  internal  revenue,  have  been 
greatly  increased,  our  expenditures  have  been  decreasing.  Civil  and  miscel 
laneous  expenses  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1900,  were  nearly 
$14,000,000  less  than  in  1899,  while  on  the  war  account  there  is  a  decrease 
of  more  than  $95,000,000.  There  were  required  $8,000,000  less  to  support 
the  navy  this  year  than  last,  and  expenditures  on  account  of  Indians  were 
nearly  two  and  three-quarter  million  dollars  less  than  in  1899.  The  only 


160  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

two  items  of  increase  in  the  public  expenses  of  1900  over  1899  are  for  pen 
sions  and  interest  on  the  public  debt.  For  1899  we  expended  for  pensions 
$139,394,929,  and  for  the  fiscal  year  1900  our  payments  on  this  account 
amounted  to  $140,877,316.  The  net  increase  of  interest  on  the  public  debt  of 
1900  over  1899,  required  by  the  war  loan,  was  $263,408.25.  While  Congress 
authorized  the  government  to  make  a  war  loan  of  $400,000,000  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  war  with  Spain,  only  $200,000,000  of  bonds  were  issued, 
bearing  3  per  cent,  interest,  which  were  promptly  and  patriotically  taken  by 
our  citizens. 

Unless  something  unforeseen  occurs  to  reduce  our  revenues  or  increase 
our  expenditures,  the  Congress  at  its  next  session  should  reduce  taxation 
very  materially. 

Five  years  ago  we  were  selling  government  bonds  bearing  as  high  as  5 
per  cent,  interest.  Now  we  are  redeeming  them  with  a  bond  at  par  bearing 
2  per  cent,  interest.  We  are  selling  our  surplus  products  and  lending  our 
surplus  money  to  Europe.  One  result  of  our  selling  to  other  nations  so 
much  more  than  we  have  bought  from  them  during  the  past  three  years  is 
a  radical  improvement  of  our  financial  relations.  The  great  amounts  of 
capital  which  have  been  borrowed  of  Europe  for  our  rapid,  material  devel 
opment  have  remained  a  constant  drain  upon  our  resources  for  interest  and 
dividends  and  made  our  money  markets  liable  to  constant  disturbances  by 
calls  for  payment  or  heavy  sales  of  our  securities  whenever  money  strin 
gency  or  panic  occurred  abroad.  We  have  now  been  paying  these  debts 
and  bringing  home  many  of  our  securities,  and  establishing  countervailing 
credits  abroad  by  our  loans  and  placing  ourselves  upon  a  sure  foundation 
of  financial  independence. 

In  the  unfortunate  contest  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Boer  States  of 
South  Africa,  the  United  States  has  maintained  an  attitude  of  neutrality  in 
accordance  with  its  well-known  traditional  policy.  It  did  not  hesitate 
however,  when  requested  by  the  governments  of  the  South  African  repub 
lics,  to  exercise  its  good  offices  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  It  is  to  be  ob 
served  that  while  the  South  African  republics  made  like  request  of  other 
powers,  the  United  States  is  the  only  one  which  complied.  The  British 
government  declined  to  accept  the  intervention  of  any  power. 

Ninety-one  per  cent,  of  our  exports  and  imports  are  now  carried  by 
foreign  ships.  For  ocean  transportation  we  pay  annually  to  foreign  ship 
owners  over  $165,000,000.  We  ought  to  own  the  ships  for  our  carrying  trade 
with  the  world,  and  we  ought  to  build  them  in  American  shipyards  and  man 
them  with  American  sailors.  Our  own  citizens  should  receive  the  transpor 
tation  charges  now  paid  to  foreigners.  I  have  called  the  attention  of  Con 
gress  to  this  subject  in  my  several  annual  messages.  In  that  of  December 
6,  1897,  I  said: 

"Most  desirable  from  every  standpoint  of  national  interest  and  patriotism 
is  the  effort  to  extend  our  foreign  commerce.  To  this  end  our  merchant 
marine  should  be  improved  and  enlarged;  we  should  do  our  full  share  of 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  161 

the  carrying  trade  of  the  world.  We  do  not  do  it  now.  We  should  be  the 
laggard  no  longer." 

In  my  message  of  December  5,  1899,  I  said: 

"Our  national  development  will  be  one-sided  and  unsatisfactory  so  long 
as  the  remarkable  growth  of  our  inland  industries  remains  unaccompanied 
by  progress  on  the  seas.  There  is  no  lack  of  constitutional  authority  for 
legislation  which  shall  give  to  the  country  maritime  strength  commensurate 
with  its  industrial  achievements  and  with  its  rank  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth. 

"The  past  year  has  recorded  exceptional  activity  in  our  shipyards,  and 
the  promises  of  continual  prosperity  in  shipbuilding  are  abundant.  Ad 
vanced  legislation  for  the  protection  of  our  seamen  has  been  enacted.  Our 
coast  trade,  under  regulations  wisely  framed  at  the  beginning  of  the  govern 
ment  and  since,  shows  results  for  the  past  fiscal  year  unequaled  in  our 
records  or  those  of  any  other  power.  We  shall  fail  to  realize  our  opportu 
nities,  however,  if  we  complacently  regard  only  matters  at  home  and  blind 
ourselves  to  the  necessity  of  securing  our  share  in  the  valuable  carrying 
trade  of  the  world." 

I  now  reiterate  these  views. 

A  subject  of  immediate  importance  to  our  country  is  the  completion  of  a 
great  water-way  of  commerce  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  The  con 
struction  of  a  maritime  canal  is  now  more  than  ever  indispensable  to  that 
intimate  and  ready  communication  between  our  eastern  and  western  sea- 
/ports  demanded  by  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  the  expan- 
V  sion  of  our  influence  and  trade  in  the  Pacific. 

Our  national  policy  more  imperatively  than  ever  calls  for  its  completion 
and  control  by  this  government,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  next  session  of 
Congress,  after  receiving  the  full  report  of  the  commission  appointed  under 
the  act  approved  March  3,  1899,  will  make  provisions  for  the  sure  accom 
plishment  of  this  great  work. 

Combinations  of  capital  which  control  the  market  in  commodities  neces 
sary  to  the  general  use  of  the  people,  by  suppressing  natural  and  ordinary 
competition,  thus  enhancing  prices  to  the  general  consumer,  are  obnoxious 
to  the  common  law  and  the  public  welfare.  They  are  dangerous  conspira 
cies  against  the  public  good  and  should  be  made  the  subject  of  prohibitory 
or  penal  legislation.  Publicity  will  be  a  helpful  influence  to  check  this  evil. 
Uniformity  of  legislation  in  the  several  States  should  be  secured.  Discrimi 
nation  between  what  is  injurious  and  what  is  useful  and  necessary  in  busi 
ness  operations  is  essential  to  the  wise  and  effective  treatment  of  this  sub 
ject.  Honest  co-operation  of  capital  is  necessary  to  meet  new  business  con 
ditions  and  extend  our  rapidly  increasing  foreign  trade,  but  conspiracies 
and  combinations  intended  to  restrict  business,  create  monopolies,  and  con 
trol  prices,  should  be  effectively  restrained. 

The  best  service  which  can  be  rendered  to  labor  is  to  afford  it  an  oppor- 
ii 


162  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

tunity  for  steady  and  remunerative  employment,  and  give  it  every  encour 
agement  for  advancement.  The  policy  that  subserves  this  end  is  the  true 
American  policy.  The  past  three  years  have  been  more  satisfactory  to 
American  workingmen  than  many  preceding  years.  Any  change  of  the 
present  industrial  or  financial  policy  of  the  government  would  be  disastrous 
to  their  highest  interests.  With  prosperity  at  home  and  an  increasing  for 
eign  market  for  American  products,  employment  should  continue  to  wait 
upon  labor,  and  with  the  present  gold  standard  the  workingman  is  secured 
against  payments  for  his  labor  in  a  depreciated  currency.  For  labor,  a 
short'  day  is  better  than  a  short  dollar;  one  will  lighten  the  burdens,  the 
other  lessen  the  rewards  of  toil.  The  one  will  promote  contentment  and  in 
dependence;  the  other  penury  and  want.  The  wages  of  labor  should  be 
adequate  to  keep  the  home  in  comfort,  educate  the  children,  and,  with 
thrift  and  economy,  lay  something  by  for  the  days  of  infirmity  and  old  age. 

Practical  civil  service  reform  has  always  had  the  support  and  encourage 
ment  of  the  Republican  party.  The  future  of  the  merit  system  is  safe  in  its 
hands. 

During  the  present  administration,  as  occasions  have  arisen  for  modifi 
cation  or  amendment  in  the  existing  civil  service  law  and  rules  they  have 
been  made.  Important  amendments  were  promulgated  by  Executive  order, 
under  date  of  May  29,  1899,  having  for  their  principal  purpose  the  exception 
from  competitive  examination  of  certain  places  involving  fiduciary  responsi 
bilities,  or  duties  of  a  strictly  confidential,  scientific,  or  executive  character, 
which  it  was  thought  might  better  be  filled  either  by  non-competitive  ex 
amination  or  by  other  tests  of  fitness  in  the  discretion  of  the  appointing 
officer.  It  is  gratifying  that  the  experience  of  more  than  a  year  has  vindi 
cated  these  changes  in  the  marked  improvement  of  the  public  service. 

The  merit  system,  as  far  as  practicable,  is  made  the  basis  for  appointments 
to  office  in  our  new  territory. 

^he  American  people  are  profoundly  grateful  to  the  soldiers,  sailors,  and 
marines  who  have  in  every  time  of  conflict  fought  their  country's  battles 
and  defended  its  honor.  The  survivors  and  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
those  who  have  fallen  are  justly  entitled  to  receive  the  generous  and  con 
siderate  care  of  the  nation.  Few  are  now  left  of  those  who  fought  in  the 
Mexican  war,  and  while  many  of  the  veterans  of  the  civil  war  are  still  spared 
to  us,  their  numbers  are  rapidly  diminishing,  and  age  and  infirmity  are  in 
creasing  their  dependence.  These,  with  the  soldiers  of  the  Spanish  war,  will 
not  be  neglected  by  their  grateful  countrymen.  The  pension  laws  have 
been  liberal.  They  should  be  justly  administered,  and  will  be.  Preference 
should  be  given  to  the  soldiers,  sailors,  and  marines,  their  widows  and 
orphans,  with  respect  to  employment  in  the  public  service. 

We  have  been  in  possession  of  Cuba  since  the  ist  of  January,  1899.  We 
have  restored  order  and  established  domestic  tranquility.  We  have  fed 
the  starving,  clothed  the  naked,  and  ministered  to  the  sick.  We  have  im 
proved  the  sanitary  condition  of  the  island.  We  have  stimulated  industry, 
introduced  public  education,  and  taken  a  full  and  comprehensive  enumera- 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  16;> 

lion  of  the  inhabitants.  The  qualification  of  electors  has  been  settled  and 
under  it  officers  have  been  chosen  for  all  the  municipalities  of  Cuba.  These 
local  governments  are  now  in  operation,  administered  by  the  people.  Our 
military  establishment  has  been  reduced  from  forty-three  thousand  soldiers 
to  less  than  six  thousand.  An  election  has  been  ordered  to  be  held  on  the 
I5th  of  September  under  a  fair  election  law  already  tried  in  the  municipal 
elections,  to  choose  members  of  a  constitutional  convention,  and  the  con 
vention  by  the  same  order  is  to  assemble  on  the  first  Monday  of  November 
to  frame  a  constitution  upon  which  an  independent  government  for  the 
island  will  rest.  All  this  is  a  long  step  in  the  fulfillment  of  our  sacred 
guarantees  to  the  people  of  Cuba. 

We  hold  Porto  Rico  by  the  same  title  as  the  Philippines.  The  treaty  of 
peace  which  ceded  us  the  one  conveyed  to  us  the  other.  Congress  has  given 
to  this  island  a  government  in  which  the  inhabitants  participate,  elect  their 
own  legislature,  enact  their  own  local  laws,  provide  their  own  system  of 
taxation,  and  in  these  respects  have  the  same  power  and  privileges  enjoyed 
by  other  Territories  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  a  much  larger 
measure  of  self-government  than  was  given  to  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana 
under  Jefferson.  A  district  court  of  the  United  States  for  Porto  Rico  has 
been  established  and  local  courts  have  been  inaugurated,  all  of  which  are 
in  operation.  The  generous  treatment  of  the  Porto  Ricans  accords  with 
the  most  liberal  thought  of  our  own  country  and  encourages  the  best  as 
pirations  of  the  people  of  the  island.  While  they  do  not  have  instant  free 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  United  States,  Congress  complied  with  my 
recommendation  by  removing,  on  the  ist  day  of  May  last,  85  per  cent,  of 
the  duties  and  providing  for  the  removal  of  the  remaining  15  per  cent,  on 
the  ist  of  March,  1902,  or  earlier,  if  the  legislature  of  Porto  Rico  shall  pro 
vide  local  revenues  for  the  expenses  of  conducting  the  government.  During 
this  intermediate  period  Porto  Rican  products  coming  into  the  United 
States  pay  a  tariff  of  15  per  cent,  of  the  rates  under  the  Dingley  act,  and 
our  goods  going  to  Porto  Rico  pay  a  like  rate.  The  duties  thus  paid  and 
collected  both  in  Porto  Rico  and  the  United  States  are  paid  to  the  govern 
ment  of  Porto  Rico,  and  no  part  thereof  is  taken  by  the  national  govern 
ment.  All  of  the  duties  from  November  i,  1898,  to  June  30,  1900,  aggregating 
the  sum  of  $2,250,523.21,  paid  at  the  custom-houses  in  the  United  States 
upon  Porto  Rican  products,  under  the  laws  existing  prior  to  the  above- 
mentioned  act  of  Congress;  have  gone  into  the  treasury  of  Porto  Rico  to 
relieve  the  destitute  and  for  schools  and  other  public  purposes.  In  addition 
to  this,  we  have  expended  for  relief,  education,  and  improvement  of  roads 
the  sum  of  $1,513,084.95.  The  United  States  military  force  in  the  island  has 
been  reduced  from  11,000  to  1,500,  and  native  Porto  Ricans  constitute  for  the 
most  part  the  local  constabulary. 

Under  the  new  law  and  the  inauguration  of  civil  government  there  has 
been  a  gratifying  revival  of  business.  The  manufactures  of  Porto  Rico  are 
developing;  her  imports  are  increasing;  her  tariff  is  yielding  increased  re 
turns;  her  fields  are  being  cultivated;  free  schools  are  being  established. 


164  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

Notwithstanding  the  many  embarrassments  incident  to  a  change  of  national 
conditions,  she  is  rapidly  showing  the  good  effects  of  her  new  relations  to 
this  nation. 

For  the  sake  of  full  and  intelligent  understanding  of  the  Philippine  ques 
tion,  and  to  give  to  the  people  authentic  information  of  the  acts  and  aims 
of  the  administration,  I  present  at  some  length  the  events  of  importance 
leading  up  to  the  present  situation.  The  purposes  of  the  Executive  are 
best  revealed  and  can  best  be  judged  by  what  he  has  done  and  is  doing.  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  power  of  the  government  has  been  used  for  the  liberty, 
the  peace,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  Philippine  peoples,  and  that  force  has 
been  employed  only  against  force  which  stood  in  the  way  of  the  realization 
of  these  ends. 

On  the  25th  day  of  April,  1898,  Congress  declared  that  a  state  of  war 
existed  between  Spain  and  the  United  States.  On  May  i,  1898,  Admiral 
Dewey  destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet  in  Manila  Bay.  On  May  19,  1808,  Maj. 
Gen.  Merritt,  U.  S.  A.,  was  placed  in  command  of  the  military  expedition 
to  Manila,  and  directed,  among  other  things,  to  immediately  "publish  a 
proclamation  declaring  that  we  come  not  to  make  war  upon  the  people 
of  the  Philippines  nor  upon  any  party  or  faction  among  them,  but  to  protect 
them  in  their  homes,  in  their  employments,  and  in  their  personal  and  relig 
ious  rights.  All  persons  who,  either  by  active  aid  or  by  honest  submission, 
co-operate  with  the  United  States  in  its  efforts  to  give  effect  to  this  benefi 
cent  purpose  will  receive  the  reward  of  its  support  and  protection." 

On  July  3,  1898,  the  Spanish  fleet  in  attempting  to  escape  from  Santiago 
harbor  was  destroyed  by  the  American  fleet,  and  on  July  17,  1898,  the  Spanish 
garrison  in  the  city  of  Santiago  surrendered  to  the  commander  of  the  Ameri 
can  forces. 

Following  these  brilliant  victories,  on  the  I2th  day  of  August,  1898,  upon 
the  initiative  of  Spain,  hostilities  were  suspended,  and  a  protocol  was  signed, 
with  a  view  to  arranging  terms  of  peace  between  the  two  governments.  In 
pursuance  thereof  I  appointed  as  commissioners  the  following  distinguished 
citizens  to  conduct  the  negotiations  on  the  part  of  the  United  States:  Hon. 
William  R.  Day,  of  Ohio;  Hon.  William  P.  Frye,  of  Maine;  Hon.  Cushman 
K.  Davis,  of  Minnesota;  Hon.  George  Gray,  of  Delaware,  and  Hon.  White- 
law  Reid,  of  New  York. 

In  addressing  the  Peace  Commission  before  its  departure  for  Paris, 
I  said: 

"It  is  my  wish  that  throughout  the  negotiations  intrusted  to  the  commis 
sion  the  purpose  and  spirit  with  which  the  United  States  accepted  the  unwel 
come  necessity  of  war  should  be  kept  constantly  in  view.  We  took  up  arms 
only  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  humanity  and  in  the  fulfillment  ot  high 
public  and  moral  obligations.  We  bad  no  design  of  aggrandizement  and 
nn  ambition  pf  rnnrpiPQt  Through  the  long  course  of  repeated  representa 
tions  which  preceded  and  aimed  to  avert  the  struggle,  and  in  the  final  arbi 
trament  of  force,  this  country  was  impelled  solely  by  the  purpose  of  reliev- 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  165 

ing  grievous  wrongs  and  removing  long  existing  conditions  which  disturbed 
its  tranquility,  which  shocked  the  moral  sense  of  mankind,  and  which  could 
no  longer  be  endured. 

"It  is  my  earnest  wish  that  the  United  States,  in  making  peace,  should 
follow  the  same  high  rule  of  conduct  which  guided  it  in  facing  war.  It 
should  be  as  scrupulous  and  magnanimous  in  the  concluding  settlement  as 
it  was  just  and  humane  in  its  original  action.  *  *  * 

"Our  aim  in  the  adjustment  of  peace  should  be  directed  to  lasting  results 
and  to  the  achievement  of  the  common  good  under  the  demands  of  civili 
zation,  rather  than  to  ambitious  designs.  *  *  * 

"Without  any  original  thought  of  complete  or  even  partial  acquisition, 
the  presence  and  success  of  our  arms  at  Manila  impose  upon  us  obligations 
which  we  cannot  disregard.  The  march  of  events  rules  and  overrules  human 
action.  Avowing  unreservedly  the  purpose  which  has  animated  all  our 
efforts  and  still  solicitous  to  adhere  to  it,  we  cannot  be  unmindful  that 
without  any  desire  or  design  on  our  part  the  war  has  brought  us  new  duties 
and  responsibilities  which  we  must  meet  and  discharge  as  becomes  a  great 
nation,  on  whose  growth  and  career  from  the  beginning,  the  Ruler  of  Na 
tions  has  plainly  written  the  high  command  and  pledge  of  civilization." 

On  October  28,  1898,  while  the  peace  commission  was  continuing  its  nego 
tiations  in  Paris,  the  following  additional  instruction  was  sent: 

"It  is  imperative  upon  us  that  as  victors  we  should  be  governed  only  by 
motives  which  will  exalt  our  nation.  Territorial  expansion  should  be  ojur 
least  concern;  that  we  shall  not  shirk  the  moral  obligations  of  our  victory 
is  of  the  greatest"  It  is  undisputed  that  Spain's  authority  is  perm  a  nently 
destroyed  in  every  part  of  the  Philippines.  /To  leave  any  part  in  her  feeble 
control  now  would  increase  our  difficulties  and  be  opposed^ to""tfi e~  interests 
prrTurnanity.  *  *~~~*  Nor  can  we  permit  Spain  to  Jnmsfer_jmy""of  the 
islands_J:o  another  power!  "K or  "can  we  invite^  another  power  or  powers  to 
join  truTTlnited  States  m  so^rej^rrty^ave^them^  We  must  either  hold  Them 
"or^turn  them  bacfc  to  Spain. 

"Consequently,  grave  as  are  the  responsibilities  and  unforeseen  as  are  the 
difficulties  which  are  Before  us,  the  President  can  see  but  one  plain  path^of 
duty,  Jjhe  acceptance  of  the  archipelago.  Greater  difficulties  and  more 
serious  complications— administrative  and  international — would  follow  any 
other  course.  The  President  has  given  to  the  views  of  the  commissioners 
the  fullest  consideration,  and  in  reaching  the  conclusion  above  announced 
in  the  light  of  information  communicated  to  the  commission  and  to  the 
President,  since  your  departure,  he  has  been  influenced  by  the  single  con 
sideration  of  duty  and  humanity.  The  President  is  not  unmindful  of  the 
distressed  financial  condition  of  Spain,  and  whatever  consideration  the 
United  States  may  show  must  come  from  its  sense  of  generosity  and  benevo 
lence,  rather  than  from  any  real  or  technical  obligation." 

Again,  on  November  13,  I  instructed  the  commission: 

"From  the  standpoint  of  indemnity,  both  the  archipelagoes  (Porto  Rico 


166  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

and  the  Philippines)  are  insufficient  to  pay  our  war  expenses;  but,  aside  from 
this,  do  we  not  owe  an  obligation  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines  which 
will  not  permit  us  to  return  them  to  the  sovereignty  of  Spain?  Could  we 
justify  ourselves  in  such  a  course,  or  could  we  permit  their  barter  to  some 
other  power?  Willing  or  not,  we  have  the  responsibility  of  duty  which  we 
cannot  escape.  *  *  *  The  President  cannot  believe  anydivision  of  the 
arcjiip_elagocan  bring  usanvthing  but  embarrassment  irTThe  future.  The 
trade  and  commerciarsicfe,  as  well  as  the  indemnity  for  the  cost  of  the  war, 
are  questions  we  might  yield.  They  might  be  waived  or  compromised,  but 
the  questions  of  duty  and  humanity  appeal  to  the  President  so  strongly  that 
he  can  find  no  appropriate  answer  but  the  one  he  has  here  marked  out." 

The  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  on  December  10,  1898.  By  its  terms 
the  archipelago,  known  as  the  Philippine  Islands,  was  ceded  by  Spain  to 
the  United  States.  It_was  also  provided  Jhat  "the  civil  rights  and  political 
status  _of  the  native  inhabitants  of  the  territories  hereby  ceded  to  the  United 
States  shalT  be  determined  by  the  Congress."  Eleven  days  thereafter,  on 
December  21,  the  foTTowmg~"3Tf ection  Was  given  to  the  commander  of  our 
forces  in  the  Philippines: 

"*  *  *  The  military  commander  of  the  United  States  is  enjoined  to 
make  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippine  Islands  that  in  succeeding 
to  the  sovereignty  of  Spain,  in  severing  the  former  political  relations  of  the 
inhabitants  and  in  establishing  a  new  political  power,  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  is  to  be  exerted  for  the  securing  of  the  persons  and  property 
of  the  people  of  the  island  and  for  the  confirmation  of  all  their  private  rights 
and  relations.  It  will  be  the  duty  of  the  commander  of  the  forces  of  occupa 
tion  to  announce  and  proclaim  in  the  most  public  manner  that  we  come, 
not  as  invaders  or  conquerors,  but  as  friends,  to  protect  the  natives  in  their 
homes,  in  their  employments,  and  in  their  personal  and  religious  rights." 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  most  humane,  pacific,  and  effective  extension  of 
authority  throughout  these  islands,  and  to  secure,  with  the  least  possible 
delay,  the  benefits  of  a  wise  and  generous  protection  of  life  and  property  to 
the  inhabitants,  I  appointed  in  January,  1899,  a  commission  consisting  of 
Hon.  Jacob  Gould  Schurman,  of  New  York;  Admiral  George  Dewey,  U.  S. 
N. ;  Hon.  Charles  Denby,  of  Indiana;  Prof.  Dean  C.  Worcester,  of  Michi 
gan,  and  Maj.  Gen.  Elwell  S.  Otis,  U.  S.  A. 

Their  instructions  contained  the  following: 

"In  the  performance  of  this  duty  the  commissioners  are  enjoined  to  meet 
at  the  earliest  possible  day  in  the  city  of  Manila  and  to  announce,  by  public 
proclamation,  their  presence  and  the  mission  intrusted  to  them,  carefully 
setting  forth  that,  while  the  military  government  already  proclaimed  is  to  be 
maintained  and  continued  so  long  as  necessity  may  require,  efforts  will  be 
made  to  alleviate  the  burden  of  taxation,  to  establish  industrial  and  com 
mercial  prosperity,  and  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  persons  and  of  property 
by  such  means  as  may  be  found  conducive  to  these  ends. 

"The  commissioners  will  endeavor,  without  interference  with  the  military 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  167 

authorities  of  the  United  States  now  in  control  of  the  Philippines,  to  ascer 
tain  what  amelioration  in  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants  and  what  improve 
ment  in  public  order  may  be  practicable,  and  for  this  purpose  they  will 
study  attentively  the  existing  social  and  political  state  of  the  various  popula 
tions,  particularly  as  regards  the  forms  of  local  government,  the  adminis 
tration  of  justice,  the  collection  of  customs  and  other  taxes,  the  means  of 
transportation,  and  the  need  of  public  improvements.  They  will  report 
*  *  *  the  results  of  their  observations  and  reflections,  and  will  recom- 
r  mend  such  Executive  action  as  may  from  time  to  time  seem  to  them  wise 
and  useful. 

''The  commissioners  are  hereby  authorized  to  confer  authoritatively  with 
any  persons  resident  in  the  islands  from  whom  they  may  believe  themselves 
able  to  derive  information  or  suggestions  valuable  for  the  purpose  of  their 
commission,  or  whom  they  may  choose  to  employ  as  agents,  as  may  be 
necessary  for  this  purpose.  *  *  * 

''It  is  my  desire  that  in  all  their  relations  with  the  inhabitants  of  the 
islands  the  commissioners  exercise  due  respect  for  all  the  ideals,  customs, 
and  institutions  of  the  tribes  which  compose  the  population,  emphasizing 
upon  all  occasions  the  just  and  beneficent  intentions  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  also  my  wish  and  expectation  that  the  commissioners 
may  be  received  in  a  manner  due  to  the  honored  and  authorized  represen 
tatives  of  the  American  republic,  duly  commissioned  on  account  of  their 
knowledge,  skill,  and  integrity  as  bearers  of  the  good  will,  the  protection, 
and  the  richest  blessings  of  a  liberating  rather  than  a  conquering  nation." 

On  the  6th  of  February,  1899,  the  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  Congress  immediately  appropriated  $20,000,000  to 
carry  out  its  provisions.  The  ratifications  were  exchanged  by  the  United 
States  and  Spain  on  the  nth  of  April,  1899. 

As  early  as  April,  1899,  the  Philippine  Commission,  of  which  Dr.  Schur- 
man  was  president,  endeavored  to  bring  about  peace  in  the  islands  by  re 
peated  conferences  with  leading  Tagalogs  representing  the  so-called  insur 
gent  government,  to  the  end  that  some  general  plan  of  government  might 
be  offered  them  which  they  would  accept.  So  great  was  the  satisfaction  of 
the  insurgent  commissioners  with  the  form  of  government  proposed  by  the 
American  commissioners  that  the  latter  submitted  the  proposed  scheme  to 
me  for  approval  and  my  action  thereon  is  shown  by  the  cable  message  fol 
lowing: 

"May  5,  1899. 
"Schmrman,  Manila: 

"Yours  4th  received.  You  are  authorized  to  propose  that  under  the  mili 
tary  power  of  the  President,  pending  action  of  Congress,  government  of 
the  Philippine  Islands  shall  consist  of  a  governor  general  appointed  by  the 
'  President;  cabinet  appointed  by  tlie  governor  general;  a  general  advisory 
council  elected  by  the  people;  the  qualifications  of  electors  to  be  carefully 
considered  and  determined;  and  the  governor  general  to  have  absolute  veto. 
Judiciary  strong  and  independent;  principal  judges  appointed  by  the  Presi- 


168  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

dent.  The  cabinet  and  judges  to  be  chosen  'Trom  natives  or  Americans,  or 
both,  having  regard  for  fitness.  The  President  earnestly  desires  the  cessa 
tion  of  bloodshed,  and  that  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  at  an  early 
date  shall  have  the  largest  measure  of  local  self-government  consistent  with 
peace  and  good  order." 

In  the  latter  part  of  May  another  group  of  representatives  came  from  the 
insurgent  leader.  The  whole  matter  was  fully  discussed  with  them  an'd 
promise  of  acceptance  seemed  near  at  hand.  They  assured  our  commis 
sioners  they  would  return  after  consulting  their  leader,  but  they  never  did. 

As  a  result  of  the  views  expressed  by  the  first  Tagalog  representative 
favorable  to  the  plan  of  the  commission  it  appears  that  he  was,  by  military 
order  of  the  insurgent  leader,  stripped  of  his  shoulder  straps,  dismissed  from 
the  army,  and  sentenced  to  twelve  years'  imprisonment. 

The  views  of  the  commission  are  best  set  forth  in  their  own  words: 

"Deplorable  as  war  is,  the  one  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  was  una 
voidable  by  iis.  We  were  attacked  by  a  bold,  adventurous  and  enthusiastic 
army.  No  alternative  was  left  to  us  except  ignominious  retreat. 

"It  is  not  to  be  conceived  of  that  any  American  would  have  sanctioned 
the  surrender  of  Manila  to  the  insurgents.  (Our  obligations  to  other  nations 
and  to  the  friendly  Filipinos  and, to  ourselves,  and  our  flag_demanded  that 
force  should  Ke  met  by  Jorce)  Whatever  the  future  of  the  Philippines  may 
be7  there  ls~no  course  open  to  us  now  except  the  prosecution  of  the^  war 
until  theJjG^urjyerits  are  reduced  to  submission!  The  commission  is  of  the 
opinion  that  thefeTias  been  no  time  since  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish 
squadron  by  Admiral  Dewey  when  it  was  possible  to  withdraw  our  forces 
from  the  islands  either  with  honor  to  ourselves  or  with  safety  to  the  in 
habitants." 

After  th'e  most  thorough  study  of  the  peoples  of  the  archipelago  the  com 
mission  reported,  among  other  things: 

"Their  lack  of  education  and  political  experience,  combined  with  their 
racial  and  linguistic  diversities,  disqualified  them,  in  spite  of  their  mental 
gifts  and  domestic  virtues,  to  undertake  the  task  of  governing  the  archi 
pelago  at  the  present  time.  The  most  that  can  be  expected  of  them  is  to 
co-operate  with  the  Americans  in  the  administration  of  general  affairs,  from 
Manila  as  a  center,  ariH  to  undertake,  subject  to  American  control  or  guid 
ance  (as  may  be  found  necessary),  the  administration  of  provincial  and 
municipal  affairs.  *  *  * 

(^Should  our  power  by  any  fatality  be  withdrawn,  the  commission  believes 
that  the  government  of  the  Philippines  would  speedily  lapse  into  anarchy, 
which  would  excuse,  if  it  did  not  necessitate,  the  intervention  of  other 
powers  and  the  eventual  division  of  the  islands  among  them/  Only  through 
American  occupation,  therefore^_isjji£.  idea  of  a  free,;  self-governing,  and 
united  Philippine  commonwealth  at  all  conceivable.  J  *  * 

"Thus  the  welfare  of  the  Filipinos  coincides  with  the  dictates  of  national 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  169 

honor  in  forbidding  our  abandonment  of  the  archipelago.  We  cannot,  from 
any  point  of  view,  escape  the  responsibilities  of  government  which  our 
sovereignty  entails,  and  the  commission  is  strongly  persuaded  that  the  per 
formance  of  our  national  duty  will  prove  the  greatest  blessing  to  the  peoples 
of  the  Philippine  Islands." 

Satisfied  that  nothing  further  could  be  accomplished  in  pursuance  of  their 
mission  until  the  rebellion  was  suppressed,  and  desiring  to  place  before  the 
Congress  the  result  of  their  observations,  I  requested  the  commission  to 
return  to  the  United  States.  Their  most  intelligent  and  comprehensive  re 
port  was  submitted  to  Congress. 

In  March,  1900,  believing  that  the  insurrection  was  practically  ended,  and 
earnestly  desiring  to  promote  the  establishment  of  a  stable  government  in 
the  archipelago,  I  appointed  the  following  civil  commission:  Hon.  William 
H.  Taft,  of  Ohio;  Prof.  Dean  C.  Worcester,  of  Michigan;  Hon.  Luke  I. 
Wright,  of  Tennessee;  Hon.  Henry  C.  Ide,  of  Vermont,  and  Hon.  Bernard 
Moses,  of  California.  My  instructions  to  them  contained  the  following: 

"You  (the  Secretary  of  War)  will  instruct  the  commission  *  *  *  to 
devote  their  attention,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the  establishment  of  munici 
pal  governments  in  which  the  natives  of  the  islands,  both  in  the  cities  and 
in  the  rural  communities,  shall  be  afforded  the  opportunity  to  manage  their 
own  local  affairs,  to  the  fullest  extent  of  which  they  are  capable,  and  subject 
to  the  least  degree  of  supervision  and  control  which  a  careful  study  of  their 
capacities  and  observation  of  the  workings  of  native  control  show  to  be 
consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  law,  order,  and  loyalty.  *  *  *  When 
ever  the  commission  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
islands  is  such  that  the  central  administration  may  safely  be  transferred  from 
military  to  civil  control,  they  will  report  that  conclusion  to  you  (the  Secre 
tary  of  War),  with  their  recommendations  as  to  the  form  of  central  govern 
ment  to  be  established  for  the  purpose  of  taking  over  the  control.  *  *  * 

"Beginning  with  the  ist  day  of  September,  1900,  the  authority  to  exercise, 
subject  to  my  approval,  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  that  part  of  the 
power  of  government  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  which  is  of  a  legislative 
nature,  is  to  be  transferred  from  the  military  governor  of  the  islands  to  this 
commission,  to  be  thereafter  exercised  by  them  in  the  place  and  stead  of 
the  military  governor,  under  such  rules  and  regulations  as  you  (the  Secre 
tary  of  War)  shall  prescribe,  until  the  establishment  of  the  civil  central  gov 
ernment  for  the  islands  contemplated  in  the  last  foregoing  paragraph  or 
until  Congress  shall  otherwise  provide.  Exercise  of  this  legislative  author 
ity  will  include  the  making  of  rules  and  orders  having  the  effect  of  law  for 
the  raising  of  revenue  by  taxes,  customs  duties  and  imposts;  the  appropria 
tion  and  expenditure  of  the  public  funds  of  the  islands;  the  establishment  of 
an  educational  system  throughout  the  islands;  the  establishment  of  a  system 
to  secure  an  efficient  civil  service;  the  organization  and  establishment  of 
courts;  the  organization  and  establishment  of  municipal  and  departmental 
governments;  and  all  other  matters  of  a  civil  nature  for  whjch  the  military 
governor  is  now  competent  to  provide  by  rules  or  orders  of  a  legislative 


170  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

character.  The  commission  will  also  have  power  during  the  same  period  to 
appoint  to  office  such  officers  under  the  judicial,  educational  and  civil  ser 
vice  systems  and  in  the  municipal  and  departmental  governments  as  shall 
be  provided  for.  *  *  * " 

Until  Congress  shall  take  action,  I  directed  that: 

"Upon  every  division  and  branch  of  the  government  of  the  Philippines 
must  be  imposed  these  inviolable  rules: 

"That  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due 
process  of  law;  that  private  property  shall  not  be  taken  for  public  use  with 
out  just  compensation;  that  in  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall 
enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and 
cause  of  the  accusation,  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him, 
to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to 
have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defense;  that  excessive  bail  shall  not 
be. required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishment 
inflicted;  that  no  person  shall  be  put  twice  in  jeopardy  for  the  same  offense, 
or  be  compelled  in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself;  that 
the  right  to  be  secure  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures  shall  not 
be  violated;  that  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  shall  exist  except 
as  a  punishment  for  crime;  that  no  bill  of  attainder,  or  ex-post  facto  law 
shall  be  passed;  that  no  law  shall  be  passed  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech 
or  of  the  press,  or  the  rights  of  the  people  to  peaceably  assemble  and  peti 
tion  the  government  for  a  redress  of  grievances;  that  no  law  shall  be  made 
respecting  the  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof,  and  that  the  free  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  religious  profession  and 
worship  without  discrimination  or  preference  shall  forever  be  allowed.  *  *  * 

"It  will  be  the  duty  of  the  commission  to  promote  and  extend,  and,  as 
they  find  occasion,  to  improve,  the  system  of  education  already  inaugurated 
by  the  military  authorities.  In  doing  this  they  should  regard  as  of  first 
importance  the  extension  of  a  system  of  primary  education  which  shall  be 
free  to  all,  and  which  shall  tend  to  fit  the  people  for  the  duties  of  citizenship 
and  for  the  ordinary  avocations  of  a  civilized  community.  *  *  *  Es 
pecial  attention  should  be  at  once  given  to  affording  full  opportunity  to  all 
the  people  of  the  islands  to  acquire  the  use  of  the  English  language.  *  *  * 

"Upon  all  officers  and  employes  of  the  United  States,  froth  civil  and 
military,  should  be  impressed  a  sense  of  the  duty  to  observe,  not  merely  the 
material  but  the  personal  and  social  rights  of  the  people  of  the  islands,  and 
to  treat  them  with  the  same  courtesy  and  respect  for  their  personal  dignity 
which  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  accustomed  to  require  from  each 
other. 

"The  articles  of  capitulation  of  the  city  of  Manila  on  the  I3th  of  August, 
1898,  concluded  with  these  words: 

"  This  city,  its  inhabitants,  its  churches  and  religious  worship,  its  educa 
tional  establishments,  and  its  private  property  of  all  descriptions  are  placed 
under  the  special  safeguard  of  the  faith  and  honor  of  the  American  army.' 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  171 

"I  believe  that  this  pledge  has  been  faithfully  kept.  A  high  and  sacred 
obligation  rests  upon  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  give  protec 
tion  for  property  and  life,  civil  and  religious  freedom,  and  wise,  firm,  and 
unselfish  guidance  in  the  paths  of  peace  and  prosperity,  to  all  the  people  of 
the  Philippine  Islands.  I  charge  this  commission  to  labor  for  the  full  per 
formance  of  this  obligation,  which  concerns  the  honor  and  conscience  of 
their  country,  in  the  firm  hope  that  through  their  labors  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  may  come  to  look  back  with  gratitude  to  the  day 
when  God  gave  victory  to  American  arms  at  Manila  and  set  their  land  under 
the  sovereignty  and  the  protection  of  the  people  of  the  United  States." 

That  all  might  share  in  the  regeneration  of  the  islands  and  participate  in 
their  government,  I  directed  Gen.  MacArthur,  the  military  governor  of  the 
Philippines,  to  issue  a  proclamation  of  amnesty,  which  contained,  among 
other  statements,  the  following: 

"Manila,  P.  I.,  June  21,  1900. 

"By  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  undersigned  an 
nounces  amnesty,  with  complete  immunity  for  the  past  and  absolute  liberty 
of  action  for  the  future  to  all  persons  who  are  now  or  at  any  time  since 
February  4,  1899,  have  been  in  insurrection  against  the  United  States  in 
either  a  military  or  a  civil  capacity,  and  who  shall,  within  a  period  of  ninety 
days  from  the  date  hereof,  formally  renounce  all  connection  with  such  insur 
rection  and  subscribe  to  a  declaration  acknowledging  and  accepting  the 
sovereignty  and  authority  of  the  United  States  in  and  over  the  Philippine 
Islands.  The  privilege  herewith  published  is  extended  to  all  concerned 
without  any  reservation  whatever,  excepting  that  persons  who  have  violated 
the  laws  of  war  during  the  period  of  active  hostilities  are  not  embraced 
within  the  scope  of  this  amnesty.  *  *  * 

"In  order  to  mitigate  as  much  as  possible  consequences  resulting  from 
the  various  disturbances  which  since  1896  have  succeeded  each  other  so 
rapidly  and  to  provide  in  some  measure  for  destitute  Filipino  soldiers  during 
the  transitory  period  which  must  inevitably  succeed  a  general  peace,  the 
military  authorities  of  the  United  States  will  pay  30  pesos  to  each  man  who 
presents  a  rifle  in  good  condition." 

Under  their  instructions  the  commission,  composed  of  representative 
Americans  of  different  sections  of  the  country  and  from  different  political 
parties,  whose  character  and  ability  guarantee  the  most  faithful,  intelligent, 
and  patriotic  service,  are  now  laboring  to  establish  stable  government  under 
civil  control,  in  which  the  inhabitants  shall  participate,  giving  them  oppor 
tunity  to  demonstrate  how  far  they  are  prepared  for  self-government. 

This  commission,  under  date  of  August  21,  1900,  makes  an  interesting  re 
port,  from  which  I  quote  the  following  extracts: 

"Hostility  against  Americans  originally  aroused  by  absurd  falsehoods  of 
unscrupulous  leaders.  The  distribution  of  troops  in  three  hundred  posts 
has  by  contact  largely  dispelled  hostility,  and  steadily  improved  the  temper 
of  the  people.  This  improvement  is  furthered  by  abuses  of  insurgents. 
Large  numbers  of  people  long  for  peace,  and  willing  to  accept  government 


172  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

under  the  United  States.  Insurgents  not  surrendering  after  defeat  divided 
into  small  guerilla  bands  under  general  officers  or  become  robbers.  Nearly 
all  of  the  prominent  generals  and  politicians  of  the  insurrection,  except 
Aguinaldo,  have  since  been  captured  or  have  surrendered  and  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance.  *  *  *  All  Northern  Luzon,  except  two  provinces, 
substantial!}'  free  from  insurgents.  People  busy  planting  and  asking  for 
municipal  organization.  Railway  and  telegraph  line  from  Manila  to  Dagu- 
pan,  122  miles,  not  molested  for  five  months.  *  *  *  Tagalogs  alone  active 
in  leading  guerrilla  warfare.  In  Negros,  Cebu,  Romblon,  Masbate,  Sibuyan, 
Tablas,  Bohol,  and  other  Philippine  islands  little  disturbance  exists,  and 
civil  government  eagerly  awaited.  *  *  *  Four  years  of  war  and  lawless 
ness  in  parts  of  islands  have  created  unsettled  conditions.  *  *  *  Native 
constabulary  and  militia,  which  should  be  organized  at  once,  will  end  this 
and  the  terrorism  to  which  defenseless  people  are  subjected.  The  natives 
desire  to  enlist  in  these  organizations.  If  judiciously  selected  and  officered, 
will  be  efficient  forces  for  maintenance  of  order  and  will  permit  early  ma 
terial  reduction  of  United  States  troops.  *  *  *  Turning  islands  over  to 
coterie  of  Tagalog  politicians  will  blight  fair  prospects  of  enormous  im 
provement;  drive  out  capital,  make  life  and  property  secular,  and  religion 
most  insecure;  banish  by  fear  of  cruel  proscription  considerable  body  of 
conservative  Filipinos,  who  have  aided  Americans  in  well-founded  belief 
that  their  people  are  not  now  fit  for  self-government,  and  reintroduce  same 
oppression  and  corruption  which  existed  in  all  provinces  under  Malolos  in 
surgent  government  during  the  eight  months  of  its  control.  The  result  will 
be  factional  strife  between  jealous  leaders,  chaos  and  anarchy,  and  will  re 
quire  and  justify  active  intervention  of  our  government  or  some  other. 

*  *     *     Business    interrupted    by   war    much    improved   as    peace    extends. 

*  *     *     In  Negros  more  sugar  in  cultivation  than  ever  before.     New  fores 
try  regulations  give  impetus  to  timber  trade  and  reduce  high  price  of  lum 
ber.    The  customs  collections  for  last  quarter  50  per  cent,  greater  than  ever 
in  Spanish  history,  and  August  collections  show  further  increase.    The  total 
revenue  for  same  period  one-third  greater  than  in  any  quarter  under  Spain, 
though  cedula  tax,   chief  source  of  Spanish   revenue,  practically  abolished. 
Economy  and  efficiency  of  military  government  have  created  surplus  fund 
of  $6,000,000,    which    should    be   expended    in    much   needed   public   works, 
notably  improvement   of  Manila   harbor.     *     *     *     With   proper  tariff  and 
facilities,  Manila  will  become  great  port  of  Orient." 

The  commission  is  confident  that  "by  a  judicious  customs  law,  reasonable 
land  tax,  and  proper  corporation  franchise  tax,  imposition  of  no  greater  rate 
than  that  in  average  American  States  will  give  less  annoyance,  and  with 
peace  will  produce  revenues  sufficient  to  pay  expenses  of  efficient  govern 
ment,  including  militia  and  constabulary."  They  "are  preparing  a  strin 
gent  civil  service  law,  giving  equal  opportunity  to  Filipinos  and  Americans, 
with  preference  for  former  where  qualifications  are  equal,  to  enter  at  lowest 
rank,  and,  by  promotion,  reach  head  of  department."  *  *  *  Forty-five 
miles  of  railroad  extension  under  negotiation  will  give  access  to  a  large 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  173 

province  rich  in  valuable  minerals,  a  mile  high,  with  strictly  temperate 
climate.  *  *  *  Railroad  construction  will  give  employment  to  many, 
and  communication  will  furnish  market  to  vast  stretches  of  rich  agricul 
tural  lands." 

They  report  that  there  are  "calls  from  all  parts  of  the  islands  for  public 
schools,  school  supplies,  and  English  teachers,  greater  than  the  commis 
sion  can  provide  until  a  comprehensive  school  system  is  organized.  Night 
schools  for  teaching  English  to  adults  are  being  established  in  response  to 
popular  demand.  Native  children  show  aptitude  in  learning  English. 
Spanish  is  spoken  by  a  small  fraction  of  people,  and  in  a  few  years  the 
medium  of  communication  in  the  courts,  public  offices,  and  between  different 
tribes  will  be  English;  creation  of  central  government  within  eighteen 
months,  under  which  substantially  all  rights  described  in  the  bill  of  rights 
in  the  Federal  Constitution  are  to  be  secured  to  the  people  of  the  Philip 
pines,  will  bring  to  them  contentment,  prosperity,  education,  and  political 
enlightenment" 

This  shews  to  my  countrymen  what  has  been  and  is  being  done  to  bring 
the  benefits  of  liberty  and  good  government  to  these  wards  of  the  nation. 
Every  effort  has  been  directed  to  their  peace  and  prosperity,  their  advance 
ment  and  well-being,  not  for  our  aggrandizement  nor  for  pride  of  might, 
not  for  trade  or  commerce,  not  for  exploitation,  but  for  humanity  and  civil 
ization;  and  for  the  protection  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  population  who 
welcome  our  sovereignty  against  the  designing  minority,  whose  first  demand 
after  the  surrender  of  Manila  by  the  Spanish  army  was  to  enter  the  city 
that  they  might  loot  it  and  destroy  those  not  in  sympathy  with  their  selfish 
and  treacherous  designs. 

Nobody  who  will  avail  himself  of  the  facts  will  longer  hold  that  there 
was  any  alliance  between  our  soldiers  and  the  insurgents,  or  that  any 
promise  of  independence  was  made  to  them.  Long  before  their  leader  had 
reached  Manila  they  had  resolved  if  the  commander  of  the  American  navy 
would  give  them  arms  with  which  to  fight  the  Spanish  army,  they  would 
later  turn  upon  us,  which  they  did  murderously  and  without  the  shadow  of 
cause  or  justification.  There  may  be  those  without  the  means  of  full  infor 
mation  who  believe  that  we  were  in  alliance  with  the  insurgents  and  that 
we  assured  them  that  they  should  have  independence.  To  such,  let  me 
repeat  the  facts.  On  the  26th  of  May,  1898,  Admiral  Dewey  was  instructed 
by  me  to  make  no  alliance  with  any  party  or  faction  in  the  Philippines  that 
would  incur  liability  to  maintain  their  cause  in  the  future,  and  he  replied 
under  date  of  June  6,  1898,  "Have  acted  according  to  spirit  of  department's 
instructions  from  the  beginning,  and  I  have  entered  into  no  alliance  with  the 
insurgents  or  with  any  faction.  This  squadron  can  reduce  the  defenses  of 
Manila  at  any  moment,  but  it  is  considered  useless  until  the  arrival  of  suf 
ficient  United  States  forces  to  retain  possession."  In  the  report  of  the  first 
Philippine  commission,  submitted  on  November  2,  1899,  Admiral  Dewey, 
one  of  its  members,  said:  "No  alliance  of  any  kind  was  entered  into  with 
Aguinaldo,  nor  was  any  promise  of  independence  made  to  him  at  any  time." 


174  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

Gen.  Merritt  arrived  in  the  Philippines  on  July  23,  1898,  and  a  dispatch 
from  Admiral  Dewey  to  the  government  at  Washington,  said:  "Merritt 
arrived  yesterday.  Situation  is  most  critical  at  Manila.  The  Spanish  may 
surrender  at  any  moment.  Merritt's  most  difficult  problem  \vill  be  how  to 
deal  with  the  insurgents  under  Aguinaldo,  who  have  become  aggressive 
and  even  threatening  toward  our  army."  Here  is  revealed  the  spirit  of  the 
insurgents  as  early  as  July,  1898,  before  the  protocol  was  signed,  while  we 
were  still  engaged  in  active  war  with  Spain.  Even  then  the  insurgents  were 
threatening  our  army. 

On  August  13  Manila  was  captured,  and  of  this  and  subsequent  events 
the  Philippine  Commission  says:  "When  the  city  of  Manila  was  taken, 
August  13,  the  Filipinos  took  no  part  in  the  attack,  but  came  following  in 
with  a  view  to  looting  the  city,  and  were  only  prevented  from  doing  so  by 
our  forces  preventing  them  from  entering.  Aguinaldo  claimed  that  he  had 
the  right  to  occupy  the  city;  he  demanded  of  Gen.  Merritt  the  palace  of 
Malacanan  for  himself  and  the  cession  of  all  churches  of  Manila,  also  that 
a  part  of  the  money  taken  from  the  Spaniards  as  spoils  of  war  should  be 
given  up,  and  above  all  that  he  should  be  given  the  arms  of  the  Spanish 
prisoners.  All  these  demands  were  refused. 

Gens.  Merritt,  Greene,  and  Anderson,  who  were  in  command  at  the 
beginning  of  our  occupation  and  until  the  surrender  of  Manila,  state  that 
there  was  no  alliance  with  the  insurgents  and  no  promise  to  them  of  inde 
pendence.  On  August  17,  1898,  Gen.  Merritt  was  instructed  that  there  must 
be  no  joint  occupation  of  Manila  with  the  insurgents.  Gen.  Anderson,  under 
date  of  February  10,  1900,  says  that  he  was  present  at  the  interview  between 
Admiral  Dewey  and  the  insurgent  leader,  and  that  in  this  interview  Admiral 
Dewey  made  no  promise  whatever.  He  adds:  "He  (Aguinaldo)  asked  me 
if  my  government  was  going  to  recognize  his  government.  I  answered 
that  I  was  there  simply  in  a  military  capacity;  that  I  could  not  acknowledge 
his  government  because  I  had  no  authority  to  do  so." 

Would  not  our  adversaries  have  sent  Dewey's  fleet  to  Manila  to  capture 
and  destroy  the  Spanish  sea  power  there,  or,  dispatching  it  there,  would 
they  have  withdrawn  it  after  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet;  and  if  the 
latter,  whither  would  they  have  directed  it  to  sail?  Where  could  it  have 
gone?  What  port  in  the  Orient  was  opened  to  it?  Do  our  adversaries 
condemn  the  expedition  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Merritt  to  strengthen 
Dewey  in  the  distant  ocean  and  assist  in  our  triumph  over  Spain,  with 
which  nation  we  were  at  war?  Was  it  not  our  highest  duty  to  strike  Spain 
at  every  vulnerable  point,  that  the  war  might  be  successfully  concluded  at 
the  earliest  practicable  moment? 

And  was  it  not  our  duty  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  those  who 
came  within  our  control  by  the  fortunes  of  war?  Could  we  have  come 
away  at  any  time  between  May  i,  1898,  and  the  conclusion  of  peace,  without 
a  stain  upon  our  good  name?  Could  we  have  come  away  without  dishonor 
at  any  time  after  the  ratification  of  the  peace  treaty  by  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States? 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  175 

There  has  been  no  time  since  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's  fleet  when 
we  could  or  should  have  left  the  Philippine  archipelago.  After  the  treaty  of 
peace  was  ratified  no  power  but  Congress  could  surrender  our  sovereignty 
or  alienate  a  foot  of  the  territory  thus  acquired.  The  Congress  has  not 
seen  fit  to  do  the  one  or  the  other,  and  the  President  had  no  authority  to 
do  either,  if  he  had  been  so  inclined,  which  he  was  not.  So  long  as  the 
sovereignty  remains  in  us  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Executive,  whoever  he  may 
be,  to  uphold  that  sovereignty,  and  if  it  be  attacked  to  suppress  its  assail 
ants.  Would  our  political  adversaries  do  less? 

It  has  been  asserted  that  there  would  have  been  no  fighting  in  the  Philip 
pines  if  Congress  had  declared  its  purpose  to  give  independence  to  the 
Tagal  insurgents.  The  insurgents  did  not  wait  for  the  action  of  Congress. 
They  assumed  the  offensive,  they  opened  fire  on  our  army.  Those  who 
assert  our  responsibility  for  the  beginning  of  the  conflict  have  forgotten 
that  before  the  treaty  was  ratified  in  the  Senate  and  while  it  was  being  de 
bated  in  that  body,  and  while  the  Bacon  resolution  was  under  discussion, 
on  February  4,  1899,  the  insurgents  attacked  the  American  army,  after 
being  previously  advised  that  the  American  forces  were  under  orders  not 
to  fire  upon  them  except  in  defense.  The  papers  found  in  the  recently 
captured  archives  of  the  insurgents  demonstrate  that  this  attack  had  been 
carefully  planned  for  weeks  before  it  occurred.  Their  unprovoked  assault 
upon  our  soldiers  at  a  time  when  the  Senate  was  deliberating  upon  the 
treaty  shows  that  no  action  on  our  part  except  surrender  and  abandonment 
would  have  prevented  the  fighting,  and  leaves  no  doubt  in  any  fair  mind 
of  where  the  responsibility  rests  for  the  shedding  of  American  blood. 

With  all  the  exaggerated  phrase-making  of  this  electoral  contest,  we  are 
in  danger  of  being  diverted  from  the  real  contention. 

We  are  in  agreement  with  all  of  those  who  supported  the  war  with  Spain, 
and  also  with  those  who  counseled  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace. 
Upon  these  two  great  essential  steps  there  can  be  no  issue,  and  out  of 
these  came  all  of  our  responsibilities.  If  others  would  shirk  the  obligations 
imposed  by  the  war  and  the  treaty,  we  must  decline  to  act  further  with 
them,  and  here  the  issue  is  made.  It  is  our  purpose  to  establish  in  the 
Philippines  a  government  suitable  to  the  wants  and  conditions  of  the  in 
habitants  and  to  prepare  them  for  self-government,  and  to  give  them  self- 
government  when  they  are  ready  for  it  and  as  rapidly  as  they  are  ready  for 
it.  That  I  am  aiming  to  do  under  my  constitutional  authority,  and  will 
continue  to  do  until  Congress  shall  determine  the  political  status  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  archipelago. 

Are  our  opponents  against  the  treaty?  If  so,  they  must  be  reminded  that 
it  could  not  have  been  ratified  in  the  Senate  but  for  their  assistance.  The 
Senate  which  ratified  the  treaty  and  the  Congress  which  added  its  sanction 
by  a  large  appropriation  comprised  Senators  and  Representatives  of  the 
people  of  all  parties. 

Would  our  opponents  surrender  to  the  insurgents,  abandon  our  sover 
eignty,  or  cede  it  to  them?  If  that  be  not  their  purpose,  then  it  should  be 


176  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

promptly  disclaimed,  for  only  evil  can  result  from  the  hopes  raised  by  our 
opponents  in  the  minds  of  the  Filipinos,  that  with  their  success  at  the  polls 
in  November  there  will  be  a  withdrawal  of  our  army  and  of  American 
sovereignty  over  the  archipelago;  the  complete  independence  of  the  Tagalog 
people  recognized,  and  the  powers  of  government  over  all  the  peoples 
of  the  archipelago  conferred  upon  the  Tagalog  leaders. 

The  effect  of  a  belief  in  the  minds  of  the  insurgents  that  this  will  be  done 
has  already  prolonged  the  rebellion,  and  increases  the  necessity  for  the 
continuance  of  a  large  army.  It  is  now  delaying  full  peace  in  the  archi 
pelago  and  the  establishment  of  civil  governments,  and  has  influenced  many 
of  the  insurgents  against  accepting  the  liberal  terms  of  amnesty  offered  by 
Gen.  MacArthur  under  my  direction.  But  for  these  false  hopes,  a  consider 
able  reduction  could  have  been  had  in  our  military  establishment  in  the 
Philippines  and  the  realization  of  a  stable  government  would  be  already 
at  hand. 

The  American  people  are  asked  by  our  opponents  to  yield  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States  in  the  Philippines  to  a  small  fraction  of  the  population, 
a  single  tribe  out  of  eighty  or  more  inhabiting  the  archipelago,  a  faction 
which  wantonly  attacked  the  American  troops  in  Manila  while  in  rightful 
possession  under  the  protocol  with  Spain,  awaiting  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  ty  the  Senate,  and  which  has  since  been  in  active,  open  re 
bellion  against  the  United  States.  We  are  asked  to  transfer  our  sovereignty 
to  a  small  minority  in  the  islands  without  consulting  the  majority  and  to 
abandon  the  largest  portion  of  the  population,  which  has  been  loyal  to  us, 
to  the  cruelties  of  the  guerrilla  insurgent  bands.  More  than  this,  we  are 
asked  to  protect  this  minority  in  establishing  a  government,  and  to  this  end 
repress  all  opposition  of  the  majority.  We  are  required  to  set  up  a  sta 
ble  government  in  the  interest  of  those  who  have  assailed  our  sovereignty 
and  fired  upon  our  soldiers,  and  then  maintain  it  at  any  cost  or  sacrifice 
against  its  enemies  within  and  against  those  having  ambitious  designs  from 
without. 

This  would  require  an  army  and  navy  far  larger  than  is  now  maintained 
in  the  Philippines,  and  still  more  in  excess  of  what  will  be  necessary  with 
the  full  recognition  of  our  sovereignty.  A  military  support  of  authority 
not  our  own  as  thus  proposed  is  the  very  essence  of  militarism,  which  our 
opponents  in  their  platform  oppose,  but  which,  by  their  policy,  would  of 
necessity  be  established  in  its  most  offensive  form. 

The  American  people  will  not  make  the  murderers  of  our  soldiers  the 
agents  of  the  republic  to  convey  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  order  to  the 
Philippines.  They  will  not  make  them  the  builders  of  the  new  common 
wealth.  Such  a  course  would  be  a  betrayal  of  our  sacred  obligations  to  the 
peaceful  Filipinos,  and  would  place  at  the  mercy  of  dangerous  adventurers 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  natives  and  foreigners.  It  would  make  pos 
sible  and  easy  the  commission  of  such  atrocities  as  were  secretly  planned, 
to  be  executed  on  the  22d  of  February,  1899,  in  the  city  of  Manila,  when 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  177 

only  the  vigilance  of  our  army  prevented  the  attempt  to  assassinate  our  sol 
diers  and  all  foreigners  and  pillage  and  destroy  the  city  and  its  surroundings. 

In  short,  the  proposition  of  those  opposed  to  us  is  to  continue  all  the 
obligations  in  the  Philippines  which  now  rest  upon  the  government,  only 
changing  the  relation  from  principal,  which  now  exists,  to  that  of  surety. 
Our  responsibility  is  to  remain,  but  our  power  is  to  be  diminished.  Our 
obligation  is  to  be  no  less,  but  our  title  is  to  be  surrendered  to  another 
power,  which  is  without  experience  or  training  or  the  ability  to  maintain  a 
stable  government  at  home  and  absolutely  helpless  to  perform  its  interna 
tional  obligations  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  To  this  we  are  opposed.  We 
should  not  yield  our  title  while  our  obligations  last.  In  the  language  of 
our  platform,  "Our  authority  should  not  be  less  than  our  responsibility,"  and 
our  present  responsibility  is  to  establish  our  authority  in  every  part  of  the 
islands. 

No  government  can  so  certainly  preserve  the  peace,  restore  public  order, 
establish  law,  justice,  and  stable  conditions  as  ours.  Neither  Congress  nor 
the  Executive  can  establish  a  stable  government  in  these  islands  except 
under  our  right  of  sovereignty,  our  authority,  and  our  flag.  And  this  we  are 
doing. 

We  could  not  do  it  as  a  protectorate  power  so  completely  or  so  success 
fully  as  we  are  doing  it  now.  As  the  sovereign  power  we  can  initiate  action 
and  shape  means  to  ends,  and  guide  the  Filipinos  to  self-development  and 
self-government.  As  a  protectorate  power  we  could  not  initiate  action,  but 
would  be  compelled  to  follow  and  uphold  a  people  with  no  capacity  yet  to 
go  alone.  In  the  one  case  we  can  protect  both  ourselves  and  the  Filipinos 
from  being  involved  in  dangerous  complications;  in  the  other  we  could 
not  protect  even  the  Filipinos  until  after  their  trouble  had  come.  Besides, 
if  we  cannot  establish  any  government  of  our  own  without  the  consent  of 
the  governed,  as  our  opponents  contend,  then  we  could  not  establish  a  stable 
government  for  them  or  make  ours  a  protectorate  without  the  like  consent, 
and  neither  the  majority  of  the  people  nor  a  minority  of  the  people  have 
invited  us  to  assume  it.  We  could  not  maintain  a  protectorate  even  with 
the  consent  of  the  governed  without  giving  provocation  for  conflicts  and 
possibly  costly  wars.  Our  rights  in  the  Philippines  are  now  free  from  out 
side  interference,  and  will  continue  so  in  our  present  relation.  They  would 
not  be  thus  free  in  any  other  relation.  We  will  not  give  up  our  own  to 
guarantee  another  sovereignty. 

Our  title  is  good.  Our  peace  commissioners  believed  they  were  receiving 
a  good  title  when  they  concluded  the  treaty.  The  Executive  believed  it  was 
a  good  title  when  he  submitted  it  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  its 
ratification.  The  Senate  believed  it  was  a  good  title  when  they  gave  it  their 
constitutional  assent,  and  the  Congress  seems  not  to  have  doubted  its  com 
pleteness  when  they  appropriated  $20,000,000  provided  by  the  treaty.  If  any 
who  favored  its  ratification  believed  it  gave  us  a  bad  title,  they  were  not 
sincere.  Our  title  is  practically  identical  with  that  under  which  we  hold 

12 


178  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

our  territory  acquired  since  the  beginning  of  the  government,  and  under 
which  we  have  exercised  full  sovereignty  and  established  government  for 
the  inhabitants. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  no  one  outside  of  the  United  States  disputes  the 
fullness  and  integrity  of  the  cession.  What,  then,  is  the  real  issue  on  this 
subject?  Whether  it  is  paramount  to  any  other  or  not,  it  is  whether  we 
shall  be  responsible  for  the  government  of  the  Philippines  with  the  sover 
eignty  and  authority  which  enable  us  to  guide  them  to  regulated  liberty, 
law,  safety,  and  progress,  or  whether  we  shall  be  responsible  for  the  forcible 
and  arbitrary  government  of  a  minority  without  sovereignty  and  authority 
on  our  part,  and  with  only  the  embarrassment  of  a  protectorate  which  draws 
us  into  their  troubles  without  the  power  of  preventing  them. 

There  were  those  who  two  years  ago  were  rushing  us  on  to  war  with 
Spain  who  are  unwilling  now  to  accept  its  clear  consequence,  as  there  are 
those  among  us  who  advocated  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  but 
now  protest  against  its  obligations.  Nations  which  go  to  war  must  be  pre 
pared  to  accept  its  resultant  obligations,  and  when  they  make  treaties  must 
keep  them. 

Those  who  profess  to  distrust  the  liberal  and  honorable  purposes  of  the 
administration  in  its  treatment  of  the  Philippines  are  not  justified.  Imper 
ialism  has  no  place  in  its  creed  or  conduct.  Freedom  is  the  rock  upon 
which  the  Republican  party  was  builded  and  now  rests.  Liberty  is  the 
great  Republican  doctrine  for  which  the  people  went  to  war  and  for  which 
a  million  lives  were  offered  and  billions  of  dollars  expended  to  make  it  the 
lawful  legacy  of  all  without  the  consent  of  master  or  slave.  There  is  a 
strain  of  ill-concealed  hypocrisy  in  the  anxiety  to  extend  the  constitutional 
guaranties  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines,  while  their  nullification  is  openly 
advocated  at  home.  Our  opponents  may  distrust  themselves,  but  they  have 
no  right  to  discredit  the  good  faith  and  patriotism  of  the  majority  of  the 
people  who  are  opposed  to  them;  they  may  fear  the  worst  form  of  imperial 
ism  with  the  helpless  Filipinos  in  their  hands;  but  if  they  do,  it  is  because 
they  have  parted  with  the  spirit  and  faith  of  the  fathers,  and  have  lost  the 
virility  of  the  founders  of  the  party  which  they  profess  to  represent. 

The  Republican  party  does  not  have  to  assert  its  devotion  to  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence.  That  immortal  instrument  of  the  fathers  remained 
unexecuted  until  the  people,  under  the  lead  of  the  Republican  party,  in 
the  awful  clash  of  battle  turned  its  promises  into  fulfillment.  It  wrote  into 
the  Constitution  the  amendments  guaranteeing  political  equality  to  Ameri 
can  citizenship,  and  it  has  never  broken  them  or  counseled  others  in  break 
ing  them.  It  will  not  be  guided  in  its  conduct  by  one  set  of  principles  at 
home  and  another  set  in  the  new  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States. 

If  our  opponents  would  only  practice  as  well  as  preach  the  doctrines  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  there  would  be  no  fear  for  the  safety  of  our  institutions 
at  home  or  their  influence  in  any  territory  over  which  our  flag  floats. 

Empire  has  been  expelled  from  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  by  Ameri- 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  179 

can  freedom.  The  flag  of  the  republic  now  floats  over  these  islands  as  an 
emblem  of  rightful  sovereignty.  Will  the  republic  stay  and  dispense  to 
their  inhabitants  the  blessings  of  liberty,  education,  and  free  institutions,  or 
steal  away,  leaving  them  to  anarchy  or  imperialism? 

The  American  question  is  between  duty  and  desertion — the  American  ver 
dict  will  be  for  duty  and  against  desertion,  for  the  republic  against  both 
j  anarchy  and  imperialism. 

The  country  has  been  fully  advised  of  the  purposes  of  the  United  States 
in  China,  and  they  will  be  faithfully  adhered  to,  as  already  defined. 

The  nation  is  filled  with  gratitude  that  the  little  band,  among  them  many 
of  our  own  blood,  who  for  two  months  have  been  subjected  to  privation  and 
peril  by  the  attacks  of  pitiless  hordes  at  the  Chinese  capital,  exhibiting 
supreme  courage  in  the  face  of  despair,  have  been  enabled  by  God's  favor 
to  greet  their  rescuers  and  find  shelter  under  their  own  flag. 

The  people,  not  alone  of  this  land,  but  of  all  lands,  have  watched  and 
prayed  through  the  terrible  stress  and  protracted  agony  of  the  helpless  suf 
ferers  in  Pekin,  and  while  at  times  the  dark  tidings  seemed  to  make  all  hope 
vain,  the  rescuers  never  faltered  in  the  heroic  fulfillment  of  their  noble  task. 

We  are  grateful  to  our  own  soldiers  and  sailors  and  marines,  and  to  all 
the  brave  men  who,  though  assembled  under  many  standards  representing 
peoples  and  races,  strangers  in  country  and  speech,  were  yet  united  in  the 
sacred  mission  of  carrying  succor  to  the  besieged,  with  a  success  that  is 
now  the  cause  of  a  world's  rejoicing. 

Not  only  have  we  reason  for  thanksgiving  for  our  material  blessings,  but 
we  should  rejoice  in  the  complete  unification  of  the  people  of  all  sections 
of  our  country,  that  has  so  happily  developed  in  the  last  few  years,  and 
made  for  us  a  more  perfect  Union.  The  obliteration  of  old  differences,  the 
common  devotion  to  the  flag,  and  the  common  sacrifices  for  its  honor,  so 
conspicuously  shown  by  the  men  of  the  North  and  South  in  the  Spanish 
war,  have  so  strengthened  the  ties  of  friendship  and  mutual  respect  that 
nothing  can  ever  again  divide  us.  The  nation  faces  the  new  century  grate 
fully  and  hopefully,  with  increasing  love  of  country,  with  firm  faith  in  its 
free  institutions,  and  with  high  resolve  that  they  ''shall  not  perish  from  the 
earth."  Very  respectfully  yours, 

WILLIAM   McKINLEY. 


GOVERNOR  ROOSEVELT'S  LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  ADMINISTRATION  —  PROSPERITY 
UNPARALLELED— THE  DANGER  OF  FREE  COINAGE  OF 
SILVER  THE  PARAMOUNT  ISSUE— TRUSTS— REMEDIES  BY 
STATE  AND  NATIONAL  LEGISLATION— THE  PHILIPPINES 
AND  LOUISIANA— McKINLEY  AND  JEFFERSON  COMPARED 
—IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION. 

OYSTER  BAY,  N.  Y.,  Sept.  15,  1900. 

"To  Hon.  Edward  O.  Wolcott,  Chairman  Committee  on  Notification  of 
Vice-President: 

"SiR: — I  accept  the  nomination  as  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
tendered  me  by  the  Republican  National  Convention,  with  a  very  deep 
sense  of  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  and  with  an  infinitely  deeper  sense 
of  the  vital  importance  to  the  whole  country  of  securing  the  re-election  of 
President  McKinley.  The  nation's  welfare  is  at  stake.  We  must  continue 
the  work  which  has  been  so  well  begun  during  the  present  Administration. 
We  must  show  in  fashion  incapable  of  being  misunderstood  that  the  Ameri 
can  people,  at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century,  face  their  duties  in  a 
calm  and  serious  spirit;  that  they  have  no  intention  of  permitting  folly  or 
lawlessness  to  mar  the  extraordinary  material  well-being  which  they  have 
attained  at  home,  nor  yet  of  permitting  their  flag  to  be  dishonored  abroad. 

"I  feel  that  this  contest  is  by  no  means  one  merely  between  Republicans 
and  Democrats.  We  have  a  right  to  appeal  to  all  good  citizens  who  are 
far-sighted  enough  to  see  what  the  honor  and  the  interest  of  the  nation 
demand.  To  put  into  practice  the  principles  embodied  in  the  Kansas  City 
platform  would  mean  disaster  to  the  nation;  for  that  platform  stands  for 
reaction  and  disorder;  for  an  upsetting  of  our  financial  system  which  would 
mean  not  only  great  suffering,  but  the  abandonment  of  the  nation's  good 
faith,  and  for  a  policy  abroad  which  would  imply  the  dishonor  of  the  flag 
and  an  unworthy  surrender  of  our  national  rights.  Its  success  would  mean 
unspeakable  humiliation  to  men  proud  of  their  country,  jealous  of  their 
country's  good  name  and  desirous  of  securing  the  welfare  of  their  fellow- 
citizens.  Therefore  we  have  a  right  to  appeal  to  all  good  men,  North  and 
South,  East  and  West,  whatever  their  politics  may  have  been  in  the  past, 
to  stand  with  us,  because  we  stand  for  the  prosperity  of  the  country  and  for 
the  renown  of  the  American  flag. 

"The  most  important  of  all  problems  is,  of  course,  that  of  securing  good 

180 


TWELFTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  181 

government  and  moral  and  material  well-being  within  our  own  borders. 
Great  though  the  need  is  that  the  nation  should  do  its  work  well  abroad, 
even  this  comes  second  to  the  thorough  performance  of  duty  at  home. 

"Under  the  Administration  of  President  McKinley  this  country  has  been 
blessed  with  a  degree  of  prosperity  absolutely  unparalleled,  even  in  its 
previous  prosperous  history.  While  it  is,  of  course,  true  that  no  legislation 
and  no  administration  can  bring  success  to  those  who  are  not  stout  of  heart, 
cool  of  head  and  ready  of  hand,  yet  it  is  no  less  true  that  the  individual 
capacity  of  each  man  to  get  good  results  for  himself  can  be  absolutely  de 
stroyed  by  bad  legislation  or  bad  administration,  while  under  the  reverse 
conditions  the  power  of  the  individual  to  do  good  work  is  assured  and 
stimulated. 

"This  is  what  has  been  done  under  the  Administration  of  President  Mc 
Kinley.  Thanks  to  his  actions  and  to  the  wise  legislation  of  Congress  on 
the  tariff  and  finance,  the  conditions  of  our  industrial  life  have  been  ren 
dered  more  favorable  than  ever  before,  and  they  have  been  taken  advantage 
of  to  the  full  by  American  thrift,  industry  and  enterprise.  Order  has  been 
observed,  the  courts  upheld  and  the  fullest  liberty  secured  to  all  citizens. 
The  merchant  and  manufacturer,  but,  above  all,  the  farmer  and  the  wage- 
worker,  have  profited  by  this  state  of  things. 

"Fundamentally  and  primarily  the  present  contest  is  a  contest  for  the 
continuance  of  the  conditions  which  have  told  in  favor  of  our  material  wel 
fare  and  of  our  civil  and  political  integrity.  If  this  nation  is  to  retain  either 
its  well-being  or  its  self-respect  it  cannot  afford  to  plunge  into  financial  and 
economic  chaos;  it  cannot  afford  to  indorse  governmental  theories  which 
would  unsettle  the  standard  of  national  honesty  and  destroy  the  integrity  of 
our  system  of  justice. 

"The  policy  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  a  ratio  of  16  to  I  is  a  policy 
fraught  with  destruction  to  every  home  in  the  land.  It  means  untold  misery 
to  the  head  of  every  household,  and,  above  all,  to  the  women  and  children 
of  every  home.  When  our  opponents  champion  free  silver  at  16  to  I  they 
are  either  insincere  or  sincere  in  their  attitude.  If  insincere  in  their  cham 
pionship  they,  of  course,  forfeit  all  right  to  belief  or  support  on  any  ground. 
If  sincere,  then  they  are  a  menace  to  the  welfare  of  the  country.  Whether 
they  shout  their  sinister  purpose  or  merely  whisper  it  makes  but  little  differ 
ence,  save  as  it  reflects  their  own  honesty. 

"No  issue  can  be  paramount  to  the  issue  they  thus  make,  for  the  para- 
mountcy  of  such  an  issue  is  to  be  determined  not  by  the  dictum  of  any  man 
or  body  of  men,  but  by  the  fact  that  it  vitally  affects  the  well-being  of  every 
home  in  the  land.  The  financial  question  is  always  of  such  far-reaching 
and  tremendous  importance  to  the  national  welfare  that  it  can  never  be 
raised  in  good  faith  unless  this  tremendous  importance  is  not  merely  con 
ceded  but  insisted  upon.  Men  who  are  not  willing  to  make  such  an  issue 
paramount  have  no  possible  justification  for  raising  it  at  all,  for  under  such 
circumstances  their  act  cannot  under  any  conceivable  circumstances  do 
aught  but  grave  harm. 


182  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

"The  success  of  the  party  representing  the  principles  embodied  in  the 
Kansas  City  platform  would  bring  about  the  destruction  of  all  the  condi 
tions  necessary  to  the  continuance  of  our  prosperity.  It  would  also  unsettle 
our  whole  governmental  system,  and  would  therefore  disarrange  all  the 
vast  and  delicate  machinery  of  our  complex  industrial  life.  Above  all,  the 
effect  would  be  ruinous  to  our  finances.  If  we  are  to  prosper,  the  currency 
of  this  country  must  be  based  upon  the  gold  dollar  worth  one  hundred 
cents. 

"The  stability  of  our  currency  has  been  greatly  increased  by  the  excellent 
financial  act  passed  by  the  last  Congress.  But  no  law  can  secure  our 
finances  against  the  effect  of  unwise  and  disastrous  management  in  the 
hands  of  unfriendly  administrators.  No  party  can  safely  be  intrusted  with 
the  management  of  our  national  affairs  unless  it  accepts  as  axiomatic  the 
truths  recognized  in  all  progressive  countries  as  essential  to  a  sound  and 
proper  system  of  finance.  In  their  essence  these  must  be  the  same  for  all 
great  civilized  peoples.  In  different  stages  of  development  different  coun 
tries  face  varying  economic  conditions,  but  at  every  stage  and  under  all  cir 
cumstances  the  most  important  element  in  securing  their  economic  well- 
being  is  sound  finance,  honest  money.  So  intimate  is  the  connection  be 
tween  industrial  prosperity  and  a  sound  currency  that  the  former  is  jeopar 
dized  not  merely  by  unsound  finance,  but  by  the  very  threat  of  unsound 
"finance. 

"The  business  man  and  the  farmer  are  vitally  interested  in  this  question, 
"but  no  man's  interest  is  so  great  as  that  of  the  wage-worker.  A  depreciated 
currency  means  loss  and  disaster  to  the  business  man,  but  it  means  grim 
suffering  to  the  wage-worker.  The  capitalist  will  lose  much  of  his  capital 
and  will  suffer  wearing  anxiety  and  the  loss  of  many  comforts,  but  the  wage- 
worker  who  loses  his  wages  must  suffer  and  see  his  wife  and  children  suffer 
for  the  actual  necessities  of  life.  The  one  absolutely  vital  need  of  our  whole 
industrial  system  is  sound  money. 

"One  of  the  serious  problems  with  which  we  are  confronted  under  the 
conditions  of  our  modern  industrial  civilization  is  that  presented  by  the 
great  business  combinations,  which  are  generally  known  under  the  name  of 
trusts.  The  problem  is  an  exceedingly  difficult  one.  The  difficulty  is  im 
mensely  aggravated  both  by  honest  but  wrong-headed  attacks  on  our  whole 
industrial  system  in  the  effort  to  remove  some  of  the  evils  connected  with 
it  and  by  the  mischievous  advice  of  men  who  either  think  crookedly  or  who 
advance  remedies  knowing  them  to  be  ineffective,  but  deeming  that  they 
may,  by  darkening  counsel,  achieve  for  themselves  a  spurious  reputation  for 
wisdom.  No  good  whatever  is  subserved  by  indiscriminate  denunciation  of 
corporations  generally,  and  of  all  forms  of  industrial  combination  in  par 
ticular;  and  when  this  public  denunciation  is  accompanied  by  private  mem 
bership  in  the  great  corporations  denounced,  the  effect  is,  of  course,  to  give 
an  air  of  insincerity  to  the  whole  movement.  Nevertheless,  there  are  real 
abuses,  and  there  is  ample  reason  for  striving  to  remedy  these  abuses.  A 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  183 

crude  or  ill-considered  effort  to  remedy  them  would  either  be  absolutely 
without  effect  or  else  would  simply  do  damage. 

"The  first  thing  to  do  is  to  find  out  the  facts;  and  for  this  purpose  pub 
licity  as  to  capitalization,  profits  and  all  else  of  importance  to  the  public  is 
the  most  useful  measure.  The  mere  fact  of  this  publicity  would  in  itself 
remedy  certain  evils,  and,  as  to  others,  it  would  in  some  cases  point  out  the 
remedies,  and  would  at  least  enable  us  to  tell  whether  or  not  certain  pro 
posed  remedies  would  be  useful.  The  State  acting  in  its  collective  capacity 
would  thus  first  find  out  the  facts  and  then  be  able  to  take  such  measures 
as  wisdom  dictated. 

"Much  can  be  done  by  taxation.  Even  more  can  be  done  by  regulation, 
by  close  supervision,  and  the  unsparing  excision  of  all  unhealthy,  destructive 
and  anti-social  elements.  The  separate  State  governments  can  do  a  great 
deal;  and  where  they  decline  to  co-operate  the  National  Government  must 
step  in. 

"While  paying  heed  to  the  necessity  of  keeping  our  house  in  order  at 
home,  the  American  people  can  not,  if  they  wish  to  retain  their  self-respect, 
refrain  from  doing  their  duty  as  a  great  nation  in  the  world.  The  history  of 
the  nation  is  in  large  part  the  history  of  the  nation's  expansion.  When  the 
first  Continental  Congress  met  in  Liberty  Hall  and  the  thirteen  original 
States  declared  themselves  a  nation,  the  westward  limit  of  the  country  was 
marked  by  the  Alleghany  Mountains.  Even  during  the  Revolutionary  War 
the  work  of  expansion  went  on.  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  the  great  North 
west,  then  known  as  the  Illinois  country,  were  conquered  from  our  white 
and  Indian  foes  during  the  Revolutionary  struggle  and  were  confirmed  to 
us  by  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1783.  Yet  the  land  thus  confirmed  was  not  then 
given  to  us.  It  was  held  by  an  alien  foe  until  the  army,  uncfef  General 
Anthony  Wayne,  freed  Ohio  from  the  red  man,  while  the  treaties  of  Jay  and 
Pinckney  secured  from  the  Spanish  and  British  Natchez  and  Detroit. 

"In  1803,  under  President  Jefferson,  the  greatest  single  stride  in  expansion 
that  we  ever  took  was  taken  by  the  purchase  of  the  Louisiana  territory. 
This  so-called  Louisiana,  which  included  what  are  now  the  States  of  Ar 
kansas,  Missouri,  Louisiana,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Kansas,  Nebraska,  North 
and  South  Dakota,  Idaho,  Montana,  and  a  large  part  of  Colorado  and  Utah, 
was  acquired  by  treaty  and  purchase  under  President  Jefferson  exactly  and 
precisely  as  the  Philippines  have  been  acquired  by  treaty  and  purchase  under 
President  McKinley. 

"The  doctrine  of  'the  consent  of  the  governed,'  the  doctrine  previously 
enunciated  by  Jefferson  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  not  held 
by  him  or  by  any  other  sane  man  to  apply  to  the  Indian  tribes  in  the  Louis 
iana  territory  which  he  thus  acquired,  and  there  was  no  vote  taken  even  of 
the  white  inhabitants,  not  to  speak  of  the  negroes  and  Indians,  as  to  whether 
they  were  willing  that  their  territory  should  be  annexed.  The  great  majority 
of  the  inhabitants,  white  and  colored  alike,  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the 
transfer.  An  armed  force  of  United  States  soldiers  had  to  be  hastily  sent 


184  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

into  the  territory  to  prevent  insurrection,  President  Jefferson  sending  these 
troops  to  Louisiana  for  exactly  the  same  reasons  and  with  exactly  the  same 
purpose  that  President  McKinley  has  sent  troops  to  the  Philippines.  Jeffer 
son  distinctly  stated  that  the  Louisianians  were  'not  fit  or  ready  for  self- 
government,'  and  years  elapsed  before  they  were  given  self-government, 
Jefferson  appointing  the  Governor  and  other  officials  without  any  consulta 
tion  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  newly  acquired  territory.  The  doctrine  that 
the  'Constitution  follows  the  flag'  was  not  then  even  considered  either  by 
Jefferson  or  by  any  other  serious  party  leader,  for  it  never  entered  their 
heads  that  a  new  territory  should  be  governed  other  than  in  the  way  in 
which  the  territories  of  Ohio  and  Illinois  had  already  been  governed  under 
Washington  and  the  elder  Adams;  the  theory  known  by  this  utterly  false  and 
misleading  phrase  was  only  struck  out  in  political  controversy  at  a  much 
later  date,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  justif)7ing  the  extension  of  slavery  into 
the  territories. 

"The  parallel  betwreen  what  Jefferson  did  with  Louisiana  and  what  is  now 
being  done  in  the  Philippines  is  exact.  Jefferson,  the  author  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  and  of  the  'consent  of  the  governed'  doctrine,  saw  no 
incongruity  between  this  and  the  establishment  of  a  government  on  com 
mon-sense  grounds  in  the  new  territory;  and  he  railed  at  the  sticklers  for 
an  impossible  application  of  his  principle,  saying,  in  language  which  at  the 
present  day  applies  to  the  situation  in  the  Philippines  without  the  change 
of  a  word,  'though  it  is  acknowledged  that  our  new  fellow-citizens  are  as 
yet  as  incapable  of  self-government  as  children,  yet  some  can  not  bring 
themselves  to  suspend  its  principles  for  a  single  moment.'  He  intended  that 
ultimately  self-government  should  be  introduced  throughout  the  territory, 
but  only  as  the  different  parts  became  fit  for  it,  and  no  sooner. 

"This  is  just  the  policy  that  has  been  pursued.  In  no  part  of  the  Louis 
iana  purchase  was  complete  self-government  introduced  for  a  number  of 
years;  in  one  part  of  it,  the  Indian  Territory,  it  has  not  yet  been  introduced, 
although  nearly  a  century  has  elapsed.  Over  enormous  tracts  of  it.  includ 
ing  the  various  Indian  reservations,  with  a  territory  in  the  aggregate  as 
large  as  that  of  the  Philippines,  the  Constitution  has  never  yet  'followed 
the  flag;'  the  army  officers  and  the  civilian  agent  still  exercise  authority, 
without  asking  the  'consent  of  the  governed.'  We  must  proceed  in  the 
Philippines  with  the  same  wise  caution,  taking  each  successive  step  as  it  be 
comes  desirable,  and  accommodating  the  details  of  our  policy  to  the  peculiar 
needs  of  the  situation.  But  as  soon  as  the  present  revolt  is  put  down  and 
order  established,  it  will  undoubtedly  be  possible  to  give  to  the  islands  a 
larger  measure  of  self-government  than  Jefferson  originally  gave  Louisiana. 
"The  next  great  step  in  expansion  was  the  acquisition  of  Florida.  This 
was  partly  acquired  by  conquest  and  partly  by  purchase,  Andrew  Jackson 
being  the  most  prominent  figure  in  the  acquisition.  It  was  taken  under 
President  Monroe,  the  after-time  President  John  Quincy  Adams  being  active 
in  securing  the  purchase. 

"As   in   the   case   of  the    Philippines,    Florida  was   acquired   by   purchase 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  185 

from  Spain,  and  in  Florida  the  Seminoles,  who  had  not  been  consulted  in 
the  sale,  rebelled  and  waged  war  exactly  as  some  of  the  Tagals  have  rebelled 
and  waged  war  in  the  Philippines.  The  Seminole  War  lasted  for  many 
years,  but  Presidents  Monroe,  Adams  and  Jackson  declined  for  a  moment 
to  consider  the  question  of  abandoning  Florida  to  the  Seminoles,  or  to 
treat  their  non-consent  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  as  a  valid 
reason  for  turning  over  the  territory  to  them. 

"Our  next  question  of  territory  was  that  of  Texas,  secured  by  treaty  after 
it  had  been  wrested  from  the  Mexicans  by  the  Texans  themselves.  Then 
came  the  acquisition  of  California,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Nevada  and  parts 
of  Colorado  and  Utah  as  the  result  of  the  Mexican  War,  supplemented  five 
years  later  by  the  Gadsden  purchase. 

"The  next  acquisition  was  that  of  Alaska,  secured  from  Russia  by  treaty 
and  purchase.  Ataska  was  full  of  natives,  some  of  whom  had  advanced  well 
beyond  the  stage  of  savagery  and  were  Christians.  They  were  not  consulted 
about  the  purchase  nor  was  their  acquiescence  required.  The  purchase 
was  made  by  the  men  who  had  just  put  through  a  triumphant  war  to  restore 
the  Union  and  free  the  slave;  but  none  of  them  deemed  it  necessary  to  push 
the  doctrine  of  the  'consent  of  the  governed'  to  a  conclusion  so  fantastic  as 
to  necessitate  the  turning  over  of  Alaska  to  its  original  owners,  the  Indian 
and  the  Aleut.  For  30  years  the  United  States  authorities,  military  and  civil, 
exercised  the  supreme  authority  in  a  tract  of  land  many  times  larger  than 
the  Philippines,  in  which  it  did  not  seem  likely  that  there  would  ever  be 
any  considerable  body  of  white  inhabitants. 

"Nearly  30  years  passed  before  the  next  instance  of  expansion  occurred, 
which  was  over  the  Island  of  Hawaii.  An  effort  was  made  at  the  end  of 
President  Harrison's  administration  to  secure  the  annexation  of  Hawaii. 
The  effort  was  unsuccessful.  In  a  debate  in  Congress  on  February  2,  1894, 
one  of  the  lead'ers  in  opposing  the  annexation  of  the  islands  stated: 

"  These  islands  are  more  than  2,000  miles  distant  from  our  extreme  west 
ern  boundary.  We  have  a  serious  race  problem  now  in  our  country  and  I 
am  not  in  favor  of  adding  to  our  domestic  fabric  a  mongrel  population  (of 
this  character).  Our  Constitution  makes  no  provisions  for  a  colonial  es 
tablishment.  Any  territorial  government  we  might  establish  would  neces 
sarily,  because  of  the  population,  be  an  oligarchy,  which  would  have  to  be 
supported  by  armed  soldiers.' 

"Yet  Hawaii  has  now  been  annexed  and  here  delegates  have  sat  in  the 
national  conventions  of  the  two  great  parties.  The  fears  then  expressed  in 
relation  to  an  'oligarchy'  and  'armed  soldiers'  are  not  now  seriously  enter 
tained  by  any  human  being;  yet  they  are  precisely  the  objections  urged 
against  the  acquisition  of  the  Philippines  at  this  very  moment. 

"We  are  making  no  new  departures.  We  are  not  taking  a  single  step 
which  in  any  way  affects  our  institutions  or  our  traditional  policies.  From 
-the  beginning  we  have  given  widely  varying  degrees  of  self-government  to 
the  different  territories,  according  to  their  needs. 


186  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

"The  simple  truth  is  that  there  is  nothing  even  remotely  resembling  'im 
perialism'  or  'militarism'  involved  in  the  present  development  of  that  policy 
of  expansion  which  has  been  part  of  the  history  of  America  from  the  day 
when  she  became  a  nation.  The  words  mean  absolutely  nothing  as  applied 
to  our  present  policy  in  the  Philippines;  for  this  policy  is  only  imperialistic 
in  the  sense  that  Jefferson's  policy  in  Louisiana  was  imperialistic;  only 
military  in  the  sense  that  Jackson's  policy  toward  the  Seminoles  or  Ouster's 
policy  toward  the  Sioux  embodied  militarism;  and  there  is  no  more  danger 
of  its  producing  evil  results  at  home  now  than  there  was  of  its  interfering 
with  freedom  under  Jefferson  or  Jackson,  or  in  the  days  of  the  Indian  wars 
on  the  plains.  Our  army  is  relatively  not  as  large  as  it  was  in  the  days  of 
Wayne;  we  have  not  one  regular  for  every  1,000  inhabitants.  There  is  no 
more  danger  of  a  draft  than  there  is  of  the  reintroduction  of  slavery. 

"When  we  expanded  over  New  Mexico  and  California  we  secured  free 
government  to  these  territories  and  prevented  their  falling  under  the  'mili 
tarism'  of  a  dictatorship  like  that  of  Santa  Anna,  or  the  'imperialism'  of  a 
real  empire  in  the  days  of  Maximilian.  We  put  a  stop  to  imperialism  in 
Mexico  as  soon  as  the  Civil  War  closed. 

"We  made  a  great  anti-imperialistic  stride  when  we  drove  the  Spaniards 
from  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  and  thereby  made  ready  ground  in 
these  islands  for  that  gradually  increasing  measure  of  self-government  for 
which  their  populations  are  severally  fitted.  Cuba  is  being  helped  along  the 
path  to  independence  as  rapidly  as  her  own  citizens  are  content  that  she 
should  go.  Of  course  the  presence  of  troops  in  the  Philippines  during  the 
Tagal  insurrection  has  no  more  to  do  with  militarism  or  imperialism  than 
had  their  presence  in  the  Dakotas,  Minnesota  and  Wyoming  during  the 
many  years  which  elapsed  before  the  final  outbreaks  of  the  Sioux  were 
definitely  put  down.  There  is  no  more  militarism  or  imperialism  in  gar 
risoning  Luzon  until  order  is  restored  than  there  was  imperialism  in  send 
ing  soldiers  to  South  Dakota  in  1890,  during  the  Ogallalla  outbreak.  The 
reasoning  which  justifies  our  having  made  war  against  Sitting  Bull  also 
justifies  our  having  checked  the  outbreaks  of  Aguinaldo  and  his  followers, 
directed,  as  they  were,  against  Filipino  and  American  alike. 

"The  only  certain  way  of  rendering  it  necessary  for  our  Republic  to  enter 
on  a  career  of  militarism  would  be  to  abandon  the  Philippines  to  their  own 
tribes,  and  at  the  same  time  either  to  guarantee  a  stable  government  among 
these  tribes  or  to  guarantee  them  against  outside  interference.  A  far  larger 
army  would  be  required  to  carry  out  any  such  policy  than  will  be  required 
to  secure  order  under  the  American  flag;  while  the  presence  of  this  flag  on 
the  islands  is  really  the  only  possible  security  against  outside  aggression. 

"The  whole  argument  against  President  McKinley's  policy  in  the  Philip 
pines  becomes  absurd  when  it  is  conceded  that  we  should,  to  quote  the  lan 
guage  of  the  Kansas  City  platform,  give  to  the  Philippines  first  a  stable 
form  of  government.  If  they  are  now  entitled  to  independence,  they  are 
also  entitled  to  decide  for  themselves  whether  their  government  shall  be 
stable  or  unstable,  civilized  or  savage,  or  whether  they  shall  have  any  gov- 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  187 

ernment  at  all;  while  it  is,  of  course,  equally  evident  that  under  such  condi 
tions  we  have  no  right  whatever  to  guarantee  them  against  outside  inter 
ference  any  more  than  we  have  to  make  such  a  guarantee  in  the  case  of 
the  Boxers  (who  are  merely  the  Chinese  analogues  of  Aguinaldo's  follow 
ers).  If  we  have  a  right  to  establish  a  stable  government  in  the  islands  it 
necessarily  follows  that  it  is  not  only  our  right  but  duty  to  support  that 
government  until  the  natives  gradually  grow  fit  to  sustain  it  themselves. 
How  else  will  it  be  stable?  The  minute  we  leave  it  it  ceases  to  be  stable. 

''Properly  speaking,  the  question  is  now  not  whether  we  shall  expand — 
for  we  have  already  expanded — but  whether  we  shall  contract.  The  Philip 
pines  are  now  part  of  American  territory.  (To  surrender  them  would  be  to 
surrender  American  territory. ) 

"They  must,  of  course,  be  governed  primarily  in  the  interests  of  their  own 
citizens.  Our  first  care  must  be  for  the  people  of  the  islands  which  have 
come  unde^r  our  guardianship  as  a  result  of  the  most  righteous  foreign  war 
that  has  been  waged  within  the  memory  of  the  present  generation.  They 
must  be  administered  in  the_  interests  of  their  inhabitants,  and  that  neces 
sarily  means  that  any  question  of  personal  or  partisan  politics  in  their  ad 
ministration  must  be  entirely  eliminated.  We  must  continue  to  put  at  the 
heads  of  affairs  in  the  different  islands  such  men  as  General  Wood,  Gover 
nor  Allen  and  Judge  Taft;  and  it  is  a  most  fortunate  thing  that  we  are  able 
to  illustrate  what  ought  to  be  done  in  the  way  of  sending  officers  thither  by 
pointing  out  what  actually  has  been  done. 

"The  minor  places  in  their  administration,  where  it  is  impossible  to  fill 
them  by  natives,  must  be  filled  by  the  strictest  application  of  the  merit 
system,  t  It  is  very  important  that  in  our  own  home  administration  the 
merely  ministerial  and  administrative  offices,  where  the  duties  are  entirely 
non-political,  shall  be  filled  absolutely  without  reference  to  partisan  affilia 
tions;  but  this  is  many  times  more  important  in  the  newly  acquired  islands. 
The  merit  system  is  in  its  essence  as  democratic  as  our  common  school 
system,  for  it  simply  means  equal  chances  and  fair  play  for  all. 

"It  must  be  remembered  always  that  governing  these  islands  in  the  inter 
est  of  the  inhabitants  may  not  necessarily  be  to  govern  them  as  the  inhabi 
tants  at  the  moment  prefer.  To  grant  self-government  to  Luzon  under 
Aguinaldo  would  be  like  granting  self-government  to  an  Apache  reserva 
tion  under  some  local  chief;  and  this  is  no  more  altered  by  the  fact  that  the 
Filipinos  fought  the  Spaniards  than  it  would  be  by  the  fact  that  Apaches 
have  long  been  trained  and  employed  in  the  United  States  Army  and  have 
rendered  signal  service  therein;  just  as  the  Pawnees  did  under  the  admin 
istration  of  Gen.  Grant;  just  as  the  Stockbridge  Indians  did  in  the  days  of 
General  Washington,  and  the  friendly  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations  in  the  days 
of  President  Madison. 

"There  are  now  in  the  United  States  communities  of  Indians  which  have 
advanced  so  far  that  it  has  just  been  possible  to  embody  them  as  a  whole 
in  our  political  system,  all  the  members  of  the  tribe  becoming  United  States 
citizens.  There  are  other  communities  where  the  bulk  of  the  tribes  are 


188  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

still  too  wild  for  it  to  be  possible  to  take  such  a  step.  There  are  individuals 
among  the  Apaches,  Pawnees,  Iroquois,  Sioux  and  other  tribes  who  are 
now  United  States  citizens,  and  who  are  entitled  to  stand,  and  do  stand,  on 
an  absolute  equality  with  all  our  citizens  of  pure  white  blood.  Men  of 
Indian  blood  are  now  serving  in  the  army  and  navy  and  in  Congress  and 
occupy  high  positions  both  in  the  business  and  the  political  world. 

"There  is  every  reason  why  as  rapidly  as  an  Indian,  or  any  body  of  In 
dians,  becomes  fit  for  self-government,  he  or  it  should  be  granted  the  fullest 
equality  with  the  whites;  but  there  would  be  no  justification  whatever  in 
treating  this  fact  as  a  reason  for  abandoning  the  wild  tribes  to  work  out  their 
own  destruction.  Exactly  the  same  reasoning  applies  in  the  case  of  the 
Philippines.  To  turn  over  the  islands  to  Aguinaldo  and  his  followers  would 
not  be  to  give  self-government  to  the  islanders;  under  no  circumstances 
would  the  majority  thus  gain  self-government.  They  would  simply  be  put 
at  the  mercy  of  a  syndicate  of  Chinese  half-breeds,  under  whom  corruption 
would  flourish  far  more  freely  than  ever  it  flourished  under  Tweed,  while 
tyrannical  oppression  would  obtain  to  a  degree  only  possible  under  such  an 
oligarchy.  Yours  truly. 

'THEODORE  ROOSEVELT." 


SOUTH 


MAIN         E.NTRANCC 

NOHTH 


CONVENTION  HALL.     (Showing  Plan  of  Stage  and  Seate.) 


APPENDIX 


THE  PRESS 


The  following  newspapers  were  represented  and  made  telegraphic  special 
daily  reports  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  and  had  seats  assigned  to 
them  in  the  press  department. 


ALABAMA. 

Mobile   The  Register. 

Birmingham    The  Age  Herald. 


Little    Rock 


ARKANSAS. 
The  Gazette. 


ARIZONA. 

Phoenix    The   Arizona   Republican 

Daily  News. 

Phoenix    ..The  Herald. 

Phoenix    The  Arizona   Gazette. 

CALIFORNIA. 


San    Francisco... 
San    Francisco... 
San    Francisco... 
San    Francisco... 
San    Francisco... 
Los    Angeles.  ..  . 
Los    Angeles  
Sacramento    

.The  Evening   Post. 
.The  Examiner. 
.The  Chronicle. 
.The  Call. 
.The  Bulletin. 
.The  Herald. 
.The  Times. 
.The  Daily  Bee. 

Denver 
Denver 


COLORADO. 

The  Rocky  Mtn.  News. 

, The  Republican. 


CONNECTICUT. 

Hartford    The  Courant. 

Hartford    The  Globe. 

Hartford    The  Telegram. 

Hartford    The  Post. 

Hartford    The  Times. 

New    Haven The  Paladian. 

New    Haven The  Register. 

Waterbury  The  American. 

DELAWARE. 

\Yilmington    The  Sun. 

Wilmington    The  Evening  Journal. 

Wilmington    The  Morning  News. 

Wilmington    The  Every  Evening. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

Washington    The  Evening  Star. 

Washington    The  Post. 

Washington    The  Times. 


GEORGIA. 

Atlanta    The  Journal. 

Atlanta    The  Constitution. 

Augusta   The  Chronicle. 

Savannah    The  News. 

Macon    The  Telegraph. 

ILLINOIS. 

Chicago   The  Journal. 

Chicago  The  Daily  News. 

Chicago  The  Evening  Post. 

Chicago  The  Chronicle. 

Chicago  The  Record. 

Chicago  The  Times-Herald. 

Chicago  The  Inter-Ocean. 

Chicago  The  Tribune. 

Chicago  The  Statts-Zeitung. 

INDIANA. 

Indianapolis    The  Journal. 

Indianapolis    The  News. 

Indianapolis    The  Sentinel. 

Indianapolis    The  Press. 

Evansville    The  Journal. 

Terre    Haute The  Evening   Gazette. 


Burlington  .... 
Davenport 

Dubuque    

Des  Moines  . . 
Des  Moines  . . 
Des  Moines  .. 


IOWA. 

...The  Hawk  Eye. 
.  .  .The  Times. 
...The  Herald. 
...The  Register. 
..  .The  Leader. 
...The  News. 

KANSAS. 


Atchison    The  Globe. 

Leavenworth    The  Times. 

Topeka    '.The  Capital. 

Topeka    The  Journal. 

KENTUCKY. 

Covington    The  Kentucky  Post. 

Frankfort  The  Zeitung. 

Louisville  The  Courier  Journal. 

Louisville  The  Dispatch. 

Louisville  The  Evening  Post. 

Louisville  The  Commercial. 

Louisville  The  Times. 


189 


190 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 


New  Orleans. 

New  Orleans. 

New  Orleans. 

New  Orleans. 

New  Orleans. 


LOUISIANA. 
.The  Picayune. 
.The  Democrat. 
.The  Item. 
.The  Press. 
.The  States. 

MARYLAND. 


Baltimore  The  Morning  Herald. 

Baltimore  The  Sun. 

Baltimore  The  American. 

Baltimore  Der  Deutsche   Corresp't. 

Baltimore  The  News. 

Baltimore  The  World. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Boston  The  Record. 

Boston  The  Journal. 

Boston  The  Post. 

Boston   The  Herald. 

Boston  The  Daily  Advertiser. 

Boston  The  Transcript. 

Boston  The  Globe. 

Boston  The  Traveller. 

Concord    The  Monitor. 

Springfield   The  Union. 

Springfield  The  Republican. 

Worcester    The  Spy. 


Vicksburg 


MISSISSIPPI. 
The  Herald. 

MICHIGAN. 


Detroit  The  Morning  Tribune. 

Detroit  The  Evening  News. 

Detroit  The  Journal. 

Detroit  The  Free  Press. 

Detroit  The  Abend  Post. 

Grand    Rapids.... The  Herald. 
Kalamazoo    The  Telegraph. 

MINNESOTA. 

Minneapolis   The  Times. 

Minneapolis    The  Tribune. 

Minneapolis    The  Journal. 

St.    Paul    The  Dispatch. 

St.   Paul    The  Pioneer  Press. 

St.   Paul    The  Globe. 

Duluth  The  Duluth  News  Trib'e. 

MISSOURI. 
St.   Louis   The  Globe  Democrat. 

ft.   Louis The  Republic, 
t.   Louis   The  Post  Dispatch. 

St.   Louis   The  Westliche   Post. 

St.   Louis   The  Chronicle. 

St.   Louis   The  Star. 

Kansas  City     The  World. 

Kansas  City     The  Journal. 

Kansas  City     ....The  Star. 
Kansas  City     The  Times  Co. 

MONTANA. 
...The  Herald. 


Helena     

NEBRASKA. 

Lincoln    The  Journal. 

Omaha   The  Bee. 

Omaha  The  World-Herald. 

NEVADA. 
Reno  ..  The  Gazette  Pub.  Co. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

Concord    The  Monitor. 

Manchester   The  Union. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

Elizabeth    The  Journal. 

Newark   The  Daily  Advertiser. 

Newark   The  Evening  News. 

Jersey    City The  News. 

Jersey    City The  Journal. 

Camden  The  Post-Telegram. 

Camden  The  Daily  Courier. 

Trenton  The  Daily  State  Gazette. 

Trenton   The  True  American. 

NEW  YORK. 

New  York  The  Sun. 

New  York  The  Commercial  Adv. 

New  York   The  Mail  and  Express. 

New  York  The  World. 

New  York  The  Morning  Journal. 

New  York  The  Evening  Journal. 

New  York   The  Herald. 

New  York  The  Tribune. 

New  York  The  Statts-Zeitung. 

New  York  The  Times. 

New  York   The  Evening  Post. 

New  York   The  Morning  Telegraph. 

New  York  The  Evening  Telegram. 

New  York  The  Publishers  Press. 

New  York   The  Press. 

New  York   The  News. 

Albany  The  Argus. 

Albany  The  Journal. 

Albany  Press  Knickerb'k's  Exp. 

Albany  The  Times  Union. 

Brooklyn    The  Daily  News. 

Brooklyn    The  Times. 

Brooklyn    The  Times. 

Brooklyn    The  Citizen. 

Brooklyn    The  Standard  Union. 

Buffalo    The  Buffalo  Express. 

Buffalo    The  Times. 

Buffalo    The  Commercial. 

Buffalo    The  Courier. 

Buffalo    The  Enquirer. 

Buffalo    The  Evening  News. 

Utica    The  Press. 

Utica    The  Observer. 

Rochester  The  Evening  Times. 

Rochester  The  Post  Express. 

Rochester  The  Herald. 

Syracuse   The  Herald. 

Syracuse   The  Journal  Ptg.  &  Pub. 

Co. 

Syracuse   The  Post-Standard  Co. 

Troy    The  Times. 

Troy    The  Press. 

Troy    The  Record. 

OHIO. 

Akron  The  Beacon  Journal. 

Canton  The  Repository   Ptg.    Co. 

Cincinnati    The  Enquirer. 

Cincinnati    The  Times  Star. 

Cincinnati    The  Post. 

Cincinnati    The  Commerc'l    Tribune. 

Cincinnati    The  Cincin'ti  Yolksblatt. 

Cleveland   The  Leader. 

Cleveland   The  Press. 

Cleveland   The  Plain  Dealer. 

Columbus  The  Dispatch. 

Columbus  The  Press  Post. 

Columbus  The  State  Journal. 

Dayton    The  Journal. 


TWELFTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 


191 


OHIO— Continued. 

Sandusky    The  Register. 

Toledo    The  T9ledo  Blade. 

Toledo   The  Times. 

Toledo    The  Bee. 

Toledo    The  Commercial. 

Warren    The  Tribune. 

Warren    The  Chronicle. 


Portland    


OREGON. 
...The  Morning  Oregonian. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 

Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Star. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Daily  News. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Item. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Associated  Press. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Inquirer. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  North  American. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Telegraph. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Times. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Press. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Record. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Evening  Herald. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Bulletin. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Ledger. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Democrat. 
Philadelphia    ..   ..The  Gazette. 
Philadelphia   ..  ..The  Tageblatt. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Abend  Post. 
Philadelphia   ..   ..The  Call. 

Altoona   The  Times. 

Easton    The  Argus. 

Harrisburg    The  Telegraph. 

Harrisburg    The  Patriot. 

Harrisburg    The  Independent. 

Lancaster  The  New  Era. 

Lancaster  The  Examiner. 

Lancaster   The  Inquirer. 

Lancaster  The  News. 

Oil   City   The  Derrick. 

Oil   City   The  Blizzard. 

Pittsburg    The  Times. 

Pittsburg    The  Daily  News. 

Pittsburg    The  Dispatch. 

Pittsburg    The  Post. 

Pittsburg    The  Leader. 

Pittsbnrg    The  Chronicle  Teleg'h. 

Pittsburg    The  Press. 

Pittsburg    The  Commercial. 

Pottsville    The  Daily  Republican. 

Pottsville    The  Chronicle. 

Reading    The  Times. 

Reading    The  Journal. 

Reading    The  Republican. 

Reading    The  Herald. 

Reading    The  Eagle. 

Scranton   The  Tribune. 

Scranton  The  Republican. 

Scranton  The  Truth. 

Scranton   The  Times. 

\Vest    Chester The  Republican. 

Williamsport    ....The  Sun. 
Wilkes-Barre    ....  The  Times. 
Wilkes-Barre    ....The  Record. 
York   The  Dispatch. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 

Providence    The  Journal. 

Providence    The  Telegram. 

Providence    The  News. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
Charleston     The  News  Courier. 

TEXAS. 

Galveston    The  Tribune. 

Galveston   The  News. 

Houston    The  Daily  Press. 

Houston    TBe  Post. 


TENNESSEE. 

Memphis    The  Commercial   Appeal. 

Chattanooga    The  Times. 

Nashville    The  American. 


UTAH. 

Salt   Lake  City... The  Tribune. 
Salt  Lake  City... The  Herald. 

VIRGINIA. 

Richmond    The  Times. 

Richmond    The  Dispatch. 

WEST  VIRGINIA. 

Wheeling    The  Intelligencer. 

Wheeling   The  Register. 

Wheeling    The  News. 

Wheeling    The  Zeitung. 


WASHINGTON. 

Seattle    The  Post    Intelligencer. 

Seattle    The  Times. 

Tacoma   The  Tacoma  Ev'g  News. 

Tacoma    The  Ledger. 


WISCONSIN- 

Oshkosh    The  Daily  Northwestern. 

Milwaukee  The  Journal. 

Milwaukee   The  Sentinel. 

Milwaukee   The  Evening  News. 

Milwaukee  The  Ev'n'g  Wisconsin. 

Milwaukee   The  Herald. 

Milwaukee   The  Germania. 

Madison    The  Democrat. 


Harper's    Weekly. 
Frank  Leslie's. 
Outlook. 
Once  A  Week. 
Collier's   Weekly.    Post. 
Saturday  Evening 


INDEX. 


A 

Acceptance,  William  McKinley's  letter  of 156-179 

Theodore   Roosevelt's   Letter  of 180-188 

Adj  ournment,  sine  die 142 

Alward,  Dennis  E.,  chosen  Reading  Clerk 82 

Appendix,  The  Press   189- 191 

Appleton,  D.   F.,  Survivor  First  Republican  Convention 57 

Ashton,    J.    M.,    address    of,    seconding    nomination    of    Theodore 

Roosevelt  for  Vice   President    133-134 

B 

Bauchman,  W.   B.,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary 82 

Beam,  John  R.,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary 82 

Bell,  George  H.,  survivor  First  Republican  Convention 57 

Bigler,  Warren,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary 82 

Bingham,  Henry  H.,  Chairman  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of 

Business    51 

remarks  by   lor 

report  of  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  reported 

by  92 

Blumenberg,  Milton  W.,  Official  Stenographer    82 

Bolton,  Rev.  James  Gray,  D.  D.,  Prayer  by 29-30 

Boswell,  Rev.  Charles  M.,  D.  D.  Prayer  by 56 

Brinkerhoff,  Genl.  B.  D.,  survivor  First  Republican  Convention..  57 

Burke,  James  Francis,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary 82 

Butlin,  George  R,  chosen  Tally  Clerk 82 

c 

Cannon,  Joseph  G.,  motion  to  adjourn  by 54-55 

Chairman,  Temporary,  Edward  O.  Wolcott,  chosen 33 

Permanent,   Henry  Cabot  Lodge  chosen 82 

Child,  Charles  H.,  presentation  of  gavel  by,  from  Rhode  Island 91 


ii  INDEX. 

Committee,  Advisory    ............................................  15 

National    .....................................................  14 

Congressional    ..............................................  16 

Organization    of   Executive    ..................................  15 

Republican  National  for  1900   ................................  109 

vacancies  on,  resolution  by  Thomas  H.  Carter,  relative  to  va 

cancies    on    ..........................  ,  .....................  139 

to  escort  Permanent  Chairman    ..............................  82 

Committees,  resolution  of  Wm.  J.  Sewell,  relative  to  ...............  49 

Standing,   announcement   of  .............................  50-51,  52-53 

meeting   of    ..................................................  54 

Chairmen   of  State   Central  ...................................  17 

The  local,  and  their  work  ....................................  19-26 

to  notify  the  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President....  139-142 

Convention,   Call   of  the  ..........................................  31 

First  Republican,  survivors  of  ................................  57 

Conwell,  Leon  M.,  "The  Local  Committees  and  Their  Work"  ----  19 

Credentials,  Committee  on   .......................................  52 

Report  of  Committee  on  ...........  r  .........................  58-59 

13 

De  Knight,   C.  W.,  Messenger  to   Secretary  ..........  .  ...........  82 

Delegates,  roll  of,  as  presented  by  Committee  on  Credentials....  59-80 

Depew,  Chauncey  M.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  Theo 

dore  Roosevelt  for  Vice  President  .........................  134-138 

Dick,  Charles,  Secretary  National  Committee,  official  call  of  the 

convention  read  by   ........................................  30 

resolution  of,  relative  to  committees  to  notify  the  candidates...  139 

F1 

Fairbanks,  Charles  W.,  Chairman  Committee  on  Resolutions  ......  53 

report  of  Committee  on  Resolutions  made  by  .................  103 

motion  by    ...................................................  33 

Foraker,  Joseph  B.,  motion  to  adjourn  made  by  .................  HI 

address    of,   nominating   William    McKinley   for    re-election   as 

President    ................................................  114-117 

Fussell,  Jacob,  survivor  of  First  Republican  Convention  ...........  57 


Gavels,  etc.,  presentation  of  ..........  :  ...........................        91-93 

Gaylord,  F.  S.,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary  ........................  82 

Grey,  Lucien,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary  .........................  82 


INDEX.  iii 

Grosvenor,    Charles   H.,    Chairman   Committee   on    Permanent   Or 

ganization    ................................................  50 

report  of  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  made  by...  81-82 
motion  to  adopt  report  of  Committee   on   Permanent   Organ 

ization   adopted    ..................  ;  .........................  82 

resolution  of,  relative  to  publication  of  Official  Proceedings..  139 

H 

Halstead,  Griffin,  Messenger  to  Secretary  .........................  82 

Hanna,  M.  A.,  Chairman  National  Committee,  Convention  called 

to   order   by    ...............................................  29 

opening   address    of    .........................................  32-33 

Ilawley,  Gen.  Joseph  R.,  survivor  of  First  Republican  Convention  57 

Headquarters,    Campaign,    New   York  .............................  15 

Chicago    ....................................................  15 

Hinds,  Asher  C,   Clerk  at  President's  desk  ......................  82 

Holstein,  G.  D.,  M.  D.,  survivor  First  National  Convention  ......  57 

Huxford,  W.  P.,  Assistant  Chief  of  Staff  .........................  82 

J 

Jacobs,   John,   survivor   First   Republican   Convention  .............  57 

Johnson,  Charles  W.,  chosen  General  Secretary  of  the  Convention  82 

Johnson,  W.  W.,  Chief  of  Staff  ...................................  82 

K 

Kercheval,  Samuel,  Master  of  Doors  .............................  82 

Knight,  George  A.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  President 

McKinley    ................................................    123-127 

Kolp,  D.  C.,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary  ..........................  82 


Laing,  Walter,  survivor  First  Republican  Convention  ..........  ----  57 

Lampson,  E.  L.,  chosen  Reading  Clerk  ...........................  82 

Langley,   John  W.,   presentation   of  gavel   from   the   mountans   of 

Kentucky    by    ..............................................  92 

Levy,  Rev.  Edgar  M.,  D.  D.,  prayer  by  ...........................  54 

survivor  First   Republican   Convention  ........................  57 

Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  chosen  Permanent  Chairman  ...............  82 

address  of,  as  Permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention  ........  82-91 

decision  of,  on  Lynch  substitute  for  Quay  amendment  ........  100 

appointed    Chairman    of   Committee   to    notify    President    Mc 

Kinley    ...................................................  139 

address  of,  notifying  President  McKinley  of  his  nomination  for 

President    ................................................    144-146 


iv  INDEX. 

Lynch,  John   R.,   remarks  of,   on   Quay  amendment,   substitute   of, 

for   Quay   amendment    100 

M 

Malloy,  John   R.,   chosen   Assistant   Secretary 82 

McCall,  John  E.,  remarks  of,  on  Quay  amendment 99 

McClure,  John,  remarks  of,  on  Quay  amendment 96 

McGee   Flavel,   Point  of  order  raised  by,   on  Lynch  substitute...  100 

McKinley,  William,  biographical  sketch  of   5~9 

named    for    Presidency    by    Joseph    B.    Foraker,    seconded    by 
Theodore   Roosevelt,  John   M.   Thurston,  John  W.   Yerkes, 

George  A.  Knight  and  James  A.  Mount 114-129 

vote  of  Convention  on  nomination  of 1.30 

nominated    130 

notified    of   his    nomination 143-151 

address   of,   in   response  to   address   of  notification 146-151 

Letter   of   Acceptance   of 156-179 

Mount,  James  A.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  President 

McKinley   127-129 

Mudd,  Sydney  E.,  motion  to  postpone  Quay  amendment  until  to 
morrow    103 

Murray,    M.    J.,    address    of,    seconding   nomination    of    Theodore 

Roosevelt  for  Vice  President 133 

N 

National  Fremont  Association,  banner  of 57 

resolutions    of    58 

Newspapers,    List   of    189-191 

Notifications    143-155 

Committee  on,  to  notify  nominee  for  President 141 

to   notify  nominee  for  Vice   President 141 

Proceedings    143-155 

o 

Officers   of  the   Convention 3 

Temporary    48 

Permanent    82 

resolution  of  thanks  to 14° 

Olson,  Sever  E.,  presentation  of  table  from  school  pupils  of  Minne 
apolis 93 

Organization,   Committee  on  Permanent 5° 

Owen,  David  C,   Chief  Organizer 82 


INDEX. 


Payne,  Sereno  E.,  Chairman  Committee  on  Credentials 52 

report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  made  by 58 

motion  by,  to  adopt  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials..  80 

Point  of  order  by,   on  motion  to   refer 102 

resolution  by,  relative  to  rules 49 

motion  by,   to   adjourn  sine  die 142 

Permanent  Organization,  report  of  Committee  on 81-82 

Philadelphia,   resolution   of  thanks  to 140 

Platform,  reported  by  Charles  W.  Fairbanks 103-108 

Potts,  J.  Herbert,  chosen  Tally  Clerk 82 

President,  vote  of  Convention  for 130 

nomination   of   130 

Press,   The    189-191 

Proceedings,   Official,  resolution  relative  to 2 

resolution  of  Charles  H.  Grosvenor  relative  to  publication  of. .  139 

Proceedings,   First   Day's    29 

Second    Day's    56 

Third  Day's    112 

Q 

Quay,  Matthew  S.,  amendment  of,  to  report  of  Committee  on  Rules  95-97 

amendment  of,  postponement  of 103 

Statement  of,  showing  number  of  delegates  according  to  pres 
ent   basis   of   representation 97 

Statement  of  number  of  delegates  according  to  his  amendment  98 

R 

Reception,   to   National   Fremont  Association   and   survivors   First 

Republican    National    Convention    57 

Remmel,  H.  L.,  chosen  Reading  Clerk 82 

Reports,  List  of  newspapers  furnishing  daily 189-191 

Resolutions,    Committee    on 53 

report  of  Committee  of 103-108 

report  of  Committee  on,  adopted 108 

Roll,  Delegates  and  Alternates   59-8o 

Roosevelt,   Theodore,  biographical   sketch   of 10-13 

appointed  on  Committee  to  escort  Permanent  Chairman 82 

address  of,  seconding  the  nomination  of  President  McKinley. .  117-119 
named  for  Vice  President  by  Lafayette  Young,  M.  J.  Murray, 

J.  M.  Ashton,  Chauncey  M.  Depew 131-138 

vote  of  convention  on  nomination  for  Vice  President 138 

nominated   for  Vice   President 138 

address  of,  in  response  to  address  of  notification 154-155 

Letter    of   Acceptance   of 180-188 


yi  ISDEX. 

Royce,  John  Q..  chosen  Assistant  Secretary 82 

Rules,  temporary    49 

Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  Committee  on 51 

Report  of  the  Committee  on 93 

debate   on    9^- 103 

amendment  of  Mr.   Quay  to  report  of  Committee  on 95-97,  103 

Quay  amendment  to,  withdrawn 114 

adoption   of  report   on 114 

Ryan,  Rev.  P.  J.,  Archbishop  of  Philadelphia,  prayer  by 112-113 

8 

Schneider,  George,  survivor  of  First  Republican  Convention 57 

Secretary  of  the  Convention,  organization  of  office  of 82 

Sergeant-at-arms,  organization  of  office  of 82 

Sewell,  William  J.,  resolution  by,  relative  to  Committees 49 

remarks  by,  on  Platform 108 

Shaw,  Leslie  M.,  appointed  on  Committee  to  escort  Permanent 

Chairman  82 

Sloane,  Judge  Rush  R.,  survivor  First  Republican  Convention 57 

Soper,  P.  L.,  amendment  of,  to  Quay  amendment 101 

Stickney,  Gardner  P.,  chosen  Assistant  Secretary 82 

Stone,  James  H.,  chosen  Reading  Clerk 82 

Survivors  First  Republican  National  Convention  of  1856,  reception 

to  57 

Sweetwood,  Earle  D.,  Assistant  Master  of  Doors 82 

T 

Taylor,  W.  S.,  motion  by,  relative  to  temporary  officers 49 

Thanks,  resolution  of,  to  officers  of  Convention 140 

resolution  of,  to  Philadelphia 140 

Thurston,   John   M.,   address   of,   seconding   President   McKinley's 

nomination    119-121 

V 

Vice   Presidents,   honorary,  appointment  of iio-in 

Vice  President,  vote  for 138 

W 

Wiswell,  George  N.,  Sergeant-at-arms  of  the  Convention 82 

Wolcott,  Edward  O.,  chosen  Temporary  Chairman 33 

address    of    - 33-48 

appointed  Chairman  of  Committee  to  notify  Gov.  Roosevelt..  139 

address  of,  notifying  Governor  Roosevelt  of  his  nomination  for 

Vice   President    .  152-154 


INDEX. 

Woodard,  S.,  survivor  First  Republican  Convention.. 
Wyand,  Jacob,  survivor  First  Republican  Convention 


VII 

57 
57 


Yerkes,  John  W.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination   of  President 

McKinley    121-123 

Young,  Joseph  W.,  Messenger  to  Chairman 82 

Young,  Lafayette,  address  of,  nominating  Theodore  Roosevelt  for 

Vice   President    131-132 


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